





. 






PROCEEDINGS 



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OF THE 




PROCEEDINGS 



FIRST ANNUAL DINNER 

REPUBLICAN CLUB 



CITY OF NKW YORK. 







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LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY. 



PEBRUAftY 12, 1387, 

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COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS. 



JAMES P. FOSTER, Chairman. 
JAMES S. LEHMAIBK. 
WALTER B. TUFTS. 
LUCIUS C. ASHLEY. 
ALEXANDER CALDWELL. 

P. 

J R.Ha-wley 

2lJa'03 



INVITED GUESTS AT THE DINNER. 



Hon. FRANK HISCOCK, TJ. S. Senator, New York. 

Hon. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. U. S. Senator, Connecticut. 

Hon. NELSON A. ALDRICH, U. S. Senator, Rhode [slaml. 

Hon. BENJAMIN" HARRISON, V. S. Senator, In.liaim. 

Hon. JOSEPH B. FORAKER, Governor Ohio. 

Hon. RICHARD J. OGLESBY, Governor Illinois. 

Hon. P. C. LOUNSBFRY, Governor Connecticut. 

Hon. ALFRED E. COXE, Judge F. S. CircuM Court, N. Y 

Hon. HENRY CABOT LODGE. V. S. Rep., Mass. 

Hon. JAMES W. IIFSTED. Speaker Assembly. N. Y. 

Hon. II. R. W. HOYT, Speaker Assembly, Conn. 

Hon. A. B. CORNELL. 

Hon. CHARLES FOSTER. 

Hon. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. 

Hon. GALFSIIA A. GROW. 

Hon. LEYI P. MORTON. 

Hon. NOAH DAYIS. 

Hon. WHITELAW REID. 

Hon. THOMAS 0. PLATT. 

Eon. DANIEL G. ROLLINS. 

Hon. STEWART L. WOODFORD. 

Hon. JAMES ARKELL. 

Hon. J. J. BELDEN. 

Hon. GEORGE W. DEASE. 

Hon. FRANCIS HENDRICKS. 

Hon. GEORGE II. SHARPE. 

Col. FRED. D. GRANT. 

Col. ('. W. MOHLTON. 

Col. (ARSON LAKE. 

CORNELIUS N. BLISS. Esq. 

JOHN A. SLEICHER, Esq. 

J<»NAS M. BUNDY, Esq. 

E. R. KENNEDY, Esq. 

WILLIAM II. WILLIAMS, Esq. 

0. D. WARREN. Esq. 









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Consomme Britania. Bisque aux crevettes. 

50RS D'CEUYRG. 

Olives. Radis. 

1 imbales i la diplomate. 

poison. 

Aiguillettes de bass a la Venitienne. 
Pommes dt- terre a la du<:hesse. 

RGLGYG. 

Filet de boeuf a la Bayonnaise. 
Tomates au gratin. 

encRees. 

Dinde a la Chevreuse. 

Pet its pois au beurre. 

Caisse de ris de veau a l'ltalienne. 

Haricots verts. 

Sorbet Regence. 

ROTI. 

Canard teie rouge. Salade de laitue. 

encRemecs mwh. 

Pouding a la Bagration. 
Gelee ft la prunelle Charlottte ft la parisienne. 

pieTO monTees. 

Glace Fantaisie varice. 
Fruits, Petits fours, Cafe. 

Le 13 Fevrier, 1887. Delmonico' 



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Scth M. Milliken 
Wm. L. Findley 
Charles A. Hess 
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John O. M"H 
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David C Link 
James Hnrrison 
Thomas J. Rush 
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25 22 Edward Kilpatrick 

26 21 C. Von Witzli 
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R. E. Williams 

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Henry Hall 

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Robert L. Stanton 
Henry C. Sommers 
Waltei B. Tufts 
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E. A. Perkins 
E. M. F. Miller 
John S. 
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Alexander Caldwell 


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Wm. II. Bellamy 


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James Mack 


Edward C. Lyon 


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Percival Kuhne 


Henry L. Sprague 


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David Mitchell 


Leroy B. Crane 


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Harwood R, 


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We glory in its achjevemepts in advancing the 
prosperity, dignity and importance of the nation, and 
its fidelity to the principles upon which the union is 
founded. The vitality, strength and spirit of the 
party to-day are an assurance of the further high and 
distinguished services it is destined to render in the 
cause of good government. 

I). /irr)epicar)-Qr)ippir)q. 

& ^eforrr). of A he ■ parly ■ v3ilr)ii) 
IrjS- parly. 

A principle which insures the continued vitality, 
unity and growth of the Party, and keeps it in the 
van of progress. 

? - yaur^.^ervirypolilics. 
§. ^rrje- OTqp- (£IovGFr)ors. 

The pillars of strength which upheld the fabric of 
our National Government in its hour of peril. 

9- I\<zpuBiiear). vfjlubs • as • /laer)* 
cies • 0] • jfe apfy ■ bJraarji^ahar). 

10. <J\ ■ yapij| • [op- prolecliar). 

The nurture and encouragement of American 
industries by a judicious policy of protection is the 
demand of the country and the watchword of out 
party. 

11, vLivil-^DeWice- I\2|oprr). 

An incalculable advantage to the country if actually 
and faithfully carried out. But pretence of civil service 
reform in theory accompanied by anti-civil service 
reform in practice, presents an incongruity too patent 
to deceive, 

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SPEECHES. 



" 



President James P. Foster, on rising, was greeted 
with cheers, and when quiet was restored he inau- 
gurated the speech-making as follows : 

To the toast: --The Republican Club of the City of 
New York." 

Gentlemen and Guests : The Republican Club of 
the City of New York tenders a cordial and hearty 
welcome to its distinguished guests. {Applause.) 

We are here to-night to record the statement upon 
the banners of the club, inscribed as with an iron pen 
by the hand of Liberty, that here in this metropolis, 
the very hotbed of Democracy, the heart of the Re- 
publican party still beats with vigorous life. {Enthu- 
siasm and applaust . i 

We are here to receive some inspiring tokens t\ r 
the future from the life of him, the anniversary of 
whose birth we celebrate, whose name stands as the 
synonym for humanity and greatness entwined in 
kindness, and who in this spirit spoke these memor- 
able words to Louisiana : 

"That in defining the franchise some of the colored 
people might be let in, that they would probably help 
in some trying time to come to keep the jewel of lib- 
erty in the family of freedom." ( Applaust . | 

We are here also to proclaim the fact in no uncer- 
tain sound that this organization has its face turned 
to the on-coming future big with hope, and we look 
forward to that day in November, 1888, which shall 
lie memorable for Republican victories. {Great ap- 
plaust . i 

Trammelled as we are by the great odds against ns 
in this city, we are, nevertheless, cheered by an occa- 
sional Republican official just as an oasis in thedesert 
is cheering to the weary traveller. Nor do we de- 
spond at this state of affairs, for our club embraces in 
its actions not only this city, but the State and the 
nation. I Applause. < 



6 



This, then, is the spirit in which we meet tonight 
to consider some of the objects of onr Hub, and among 
those purposes we have written in our organic law that 
we are banded together to advocate, promote and 
maintain the principles of Republicanism as enunci- 
ated by the Republican party ; to direct and interesl 
in politics those who have hitherto been more or less 
indifferent to their political duties; to encourage at- 
tendance at the primary meetings, in order that honest 
and capable men may be nominated, and to guard and 
defend the purity of the ballot box. Onr privileges 
are ureal and onr duties are serious. {Applause.) 

This club, like others, has grown from a small be- 
ginning to what it now is ; but in this country it is 
the high prerogative not to be ashamed of what one 
was, provided integrity has held a large place in his 
life and actions, for Lincoln at the age of eight, with 
father and mother and all their possessions, was 
floated down the Ohio river on a raft, which bore the 
family to the shore of Indiana ; yet from such lowly 
surroundings came forth the man, great even in es- 
teem of the great. {Applause. \ 

This club is to promote the principles of the Repub- 
lican party. 

These include taxation which is protection alike 
to the wage earner and the wage payer; a civil ser- 
vice genuine in fact and devoid of pretence ; purity 
within the party, in order that we may demand 
purity beyond the party lines. {Applause.) 

And well may we add still another principle to onr 
organic law; that as the Republican party has always 
stood for justice and good morals, it should see to it 
that that religious sect strongly intrenched in one of 
the Territories and rapidly spreading into four other 
Territories shall be broken up and polygamy wiped 
out from the face of the earth ; in the words of the 
illustrious Blaine {cheers and prolonged applause): 

" The sacredness and unity of the family must be 
preserved as the foundation of all civil government, 
as the source of orderly administration, as the surest 
guarantee of moral purity, and, like others, the Mor- 
mons must learn that the liberty of the individual 
leases where the rights of society begin." {Great 
applause. ) 

We are to direct and interest those in politics who 
are oft mi called the " stay-at-homes." This is a seri- 
ous problem, yet in our body are members who ac- 



knowledge that joining this club does effect tin's 
purpose, and makes active workers out of the pre- 
vious indifferent citizens. 

It is ours to direct those who have been indifferent 
to their political duties, and we point them to the 
fact that activity alone has produced the great finan- 
ciers and counsellors of the nation, and while the 
chaff does mix with the wheat, yet it can be sifted ou1 
so that with pride the Republican party claims as its 
own such men as should justly inspire every citizen 
to stand by and do his part in the political work of 
the republic. 

We may refer but to a few, and recall only to 
lament the loss of that statesman and soldier, .John 
A. Logan, then the brilliant Seward, the accomplished 
Chase, the sad. but triumphant life of Garfield, and 
the immortal Grant. ( Loud applaust . I 

To come from the past to the present, what a host 
would pass in review ! 

Surely such noble examples taken from the ranks 
of the immortal and the living should fire the souls 
of these stay-at-homes with patriotic love and politi- 
cal zeal. (Applause.) 

Further, we are to guard and defend the purity of 
the ballot box; next to self-preservation should come 
this duty. (Applause.) It may well be a question 
for discussion whether the purity of the ballot box is 
secured by an educational or by a property qualifica- 
tion, or by a residence of twenty-one years to obtain 
the right to the elective franchise, but these problems 
are for the legislators. 

We must see to it that only honest men are in 
positions of power or trust, and that tried men are on 
guard at all the polls. (Applause.) The energy 
should never cease until a Republican guard, true and 
tried, can be found in every house. (Applause.) By 
activity alone can the ringing words of General Grant 
be realized, which apply to all voting, when he said : 
"We should never be beaten until every man who 
counts, or represents those who count, in the enu- 
meration to give representation in the electoral col- 
lege, can cast his vote just as he pleases, and have il 
counted just as he cast it." (Applause.) 

Turning now from the past and present to the 
future, this club shall soon become the central rally- 
ing point for Republicans from all parts of the State 



8 



and the nation, so that members of the party may 
know and feel that in this city there is an organiza- 
tion wherein they may find their political "home" 
(applaust ). to which they may come, and from its 
library obtain political knowledge, from its meetings 
gather inspiration for energetic work; where true 
teachings of Republican principles shall ever prevail, 
so that, with renewed fidelity to the party and alle- 
giance to its cause, our members and friends may go 
forth with renewed vigor and encouragement. (Great 
applause.) 

To our political home we cordially invite you. And 
grouped around this club, as a great bulwark of pro- 
tection, we shall ever expect you and you, our politi- 
cal and personal friends, just as you have come to- 
night, to be ever ready to cheer us on with words of 
encouragement and your calm judgment weighted 
with good advice. [Cheers <m<l prolonged aj>- 
plause.) 

President Foster: We have a number of letters of 
regret from various distinguished gentlemen, which 
Mr. .lames S. Lehmaier, of the committee, will read. 

(The letters were here read.*) 

President Foster: Now, gentlemen, we give you 
the first toast of the evening : " Abraham Lincoln." 

(The toast was drunk standing, while the band 
played "The Star-Spangled Banner.") 

To tins toast General Hawley will respond. 

Hi spoil st of Hon. Joseph R. Hawley. 

I am profoundly grateful for the cordiality of your 
greeting. Three days ago I received notice that this 
evening I was to address what I understood was the 
Young Glen's Republican Club of New York, and 
that I would be expected to say something concerning 
Abraham Lincoln. I have had no leisure hour since 
that time — no hour of entire peace and quiet, save 
those spent in sleep. It is not given to every man To 
have entire leisure for study, reflection and penman- 
ship- like our friend Depew (laughter), who doubt- 
less has a thoroughly-prepared speech. His lateness 
in arrival was certainly suspicious. (Laughter.) 

*Tlie letters are printed in lull, following the responses. Soe Post. 



9 



I thought it was a young men's Republican club, 
and it is ; for we are, a few of us, at this moment 
looking into the mirrors ; and a man is as old as h^ 
feels; a woman, perhaps, as old as she looks. We 
are feeling young to-night, and I had (thinking the 
invitation a compliment to my youth) many things in 
my mind to say concerning the pleasure that I feel in 
hearing of the organization of young men's Republi- 
can clubs in several of the New England States and 
elsewhere. It is getting to be a fashion with us in 
New England — in Rhode Island and in Connecticut 
especially— that the really young men, the boys of 
twenty-one, twenty-five, thirty and thirty-five, should 
organize young men's Republican clubs, taking up 
the glorious traditions that have come down to them 
from the history of the last twenty-five years, and 
preparing to make the future as true to whatever is 
noble and beautiful in the idea of the republic as 
the past twenty-five years have been. 

I was asked to say something concerning Lincoln. 
Well, sir, like all the rest of you, and like the rest of 
the world, I have been thinking of nothing but what 
was good of Abraham Lincoln. No, not all the rest 
of the world ; but like all of the Republicans. Wliy. 
it is only a very few years, it seems to me, since men 
spoke of him in the public prints, habitually, as a 
" guerilla" ; even sneering at him, after his glorious 
death, as the "late lamented" — that being the 
favorite phrase of a great metropolitan journal at one 
time ; and there were men who called him " uncouth," 
" coarse," " brutal," " ignorant," and " rail-splitter," 
in jest and not in honor. But all that has gone by 
now, and there is not in the civilized world a voice or 
a pen that does not place Abraham Lincoln among 
the foremost of the world's history {applause) — not 
one — and it has become the fashion, even among our 
friends, the enemy, to speak of him with respect. 

I have here Abraham Lincoln's biography, as 
written by himself, about thirty years ago, for Lar- 
man's Dictionary of Congress: "Born February 12, 
180',)" — well, he would not lie the oldest of our dear 
old friends if he were with lis now — "in Harden 
County, Kentucky. Education, defective. Profes- 
sion, lawyer. Have been a captain of volunteers in 
the Black Hawk war."— What is a captain nowa- 
days; The distinguished man is a private !— " Post- 



10 



master at.a very small office. Four times a member 
of the Illinois Legislature" — New York men don't 
think much of that — " and was a member of the lower 
house of Congress. Yours, &c, Abraham Lincoln." 

Well, there has been an addition made to that 
biography since that time {applause). '•Education 
defective." I suppose that there are still people in 
the world who will say that Abraham Lincoln was 
defective in what is called culture. He had none of 
the advantages that the xiiJoh gives to men. There 
were no gatherings of intellectual, trained, travelled 
and experienced people to improve his manners or his 
language ; yet none since Socrates has spoken like him 
{applause); and there have been very few in all the 
world's history whom the common people heard more 
gladly. {Applause.) It is significantly recorded of 
the one great and divine Man that "the common 
people heard Him gladly." 

What was it, then, that made Abraham Lincoln one 
of the men who, in truth and justice, was of the very 
finest human culture known to mankind? Let the 
eminence to which he attained, the power he had over 
men, the almost divine sagacity with which he led 
them — let these things, then, be an encouragement 
to all men who believe in the possibility as well as 
the necessity of popular government in the coming 
ages of the world. {Applausi . I 

Abraham Lincoln had a profound faith in the 
people. Oh, if one of us says, nowadays, that you 
may in the end trust the people ; that it is a magnifi- 
cent jury; that if you have a good cause and will 
fight for it, and write for it, and talk for it, and 
preach for it, you may trust the great heart of the 
American people to act right finally, there are not 
lacking men all around Europe, and in considerable 
numbers in the United Slates, who put up their 
glasses, as I am obliged to do mine, and look at us 
with curiosity. {Laughter.) 

I am not going to read to you at length, but I have 
here in a delicate little volume, selected by the author 
of "The Man Without a Country "—which was a 
regiment, a brigade of itself — some extracts from 
what Abraham Lincoln said : 

'■ \\ uy should there not be a patient confidence in 
the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any 
1 tetter or equal hope in the world? In our present 



11 

difference is either party without faith of being in the 
right; If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His 
eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the 
North, or on your side of the South, that truth and 
justice will surely prevail by the judgment of the 
great tribunal of the American people." 

Again: "There are among us those who, if the 
Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two 
hundred and fifty millions of population. The strug- 
gle of to-day is not altogether for to-day ; it is for the 
vast future also." 

Again: "No men living are more to be trusted 
than those who toil up from poverty; none less in- 
clined to take that which they have not honestly 
earned." {Applause.) Which I believe to be true. 

And in February, 1801 : "I cannot but know, what 
you all know, that, without a name" (as that biogra- 
phy shows). '• perhaps without a reason why 1 should 
have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as 
did not rest even upon the Father of his Country; 
and, so feeling, 1 cannot but turn and look for that 
support without which it will be impossible to per- 
form that great task. I turn, then, and look to the 
•ireat American people, and to that God who has 
never forsaken them." 

I must necessarily speak somewhat disjointedly 
and from the impulse of the moment. My friend on 
my right, whom I asked for an idea, or a point, or a 
text, said: "Some people say that Abraham Lincoln 
would not be a Republican if he were here to-day." 
I wish I felt as sure of my own salvation, or of any- 
thing else in this world, as I do that Abraham 
Lincoln would be drifting along to-day with that 
indescribable and wonderful thing that people call 
•' the spirit of the age." He could not have been 
anything else. (Great applause!) 

We are Republicans to-day because we inherit the 
most magnificent body of tradition that ever was 
given to a party in the world. (Applause.) If I 
were to live forty years hence I would vote for the 
name. (Applause.) We reconstructed the founda- 
tions of the great Republican Government. We de- 
monstrated that whenever anything is to lie done by 
a whole people it can better be done by a free people 
than by any other people. I Applaust .) We demon- 
strated that all men can know more than any one 



12 



man ; which is the foundation of Republican govern- 
ment. {Applause.) We cleaned out and cleared out, 
erased and wiped out forever all distinctions, not. in 
race, not in knowledge, not in ability, but all distinc- 
tions between the rights of different classes and races 
of men. {Prolonged applause.) 

We have changed European history. We have 
changed the history of the world. For, had we 
failed, no man knows how far backward would have 
gone, or how many centuries would have been de- 
layed, the great Republican experiment. Are there 
any men in this country who love and worship — yea . 
worship — the flag as we do? To whom is it sacred, if 
not to us ? Are there any men in the country who so 
value the honor — financial, and in all things— of this 
country. {Cries : No. None.) 

From whom came these feelings {a voice: From the 
Republicans) but from the men who, during the war, 
whether in the ranks of the great armies of the re- 
public or in the equally courageous and far-sighted 
hall of the legislators of the republic, who dared to 
legislate, to trust the future, and to trust the people? 

Abraham Lincoln would have been with us to-day— 
not satisfied with everything, for I do not know any 
man who is satisfied with everything that has been 
done, and with everything that is — the man who is 
is a Bourbon; he has no hope for the future, and no 
purpose of improvement. Lincoln certainly could not 
have been a Democrat. Could he have been a Mug- 
wump? {Laughter and applause.) I have some de- 
lightful friends who proudly bear that name. I have 
no quarrels with them. They are gentlemen of culture, 
of education; they are patriots; they hope the best 
for their country. I divide them. There is the 
Mugwump who boasts of his departure from his old 
brethren simply upon a difference concerning one 
man. AY ell, that election has passed, and 1 do not 
see why he should have that difference now. In 
common cases he does not. He had a right to enter- 
tain that difference. My judgment of the facts was 
altogether different from his ; but I am looking to the 
rotes, and I will have no controversy with him about 
an election which was over two years ago, if he is 
right in the future — in Connecticut and elsewhere. 
{Laughter?) 

But the term "Mugwump" I have applied with a 



13 



larger range. There are men who are Mugwumps 
politically, intellectually, scientifically and re- 
ligiously. They are pessimists in the whole field of 
the world's thought and activity. They apparently 
believe in nothing. And while the great toiling mil- 
lions of the world must go along the dusty <>r the 
alternately muddy highway, doing the best they can 
to carry the burdens of their town, of their State, 
and of their country, to say nothing- of their families. 
there is a class of men who sit on the fences and 
leisurely laugh at us poor devils who wear the blue, 
and have go1 to get to Gettysburg or to Vicksburg by 
daylight. | Applause.) 

While we are not all religious men. yet we all pray 
once in four years, or oftener, for the flag and for the 
republic. I have no liking for a man who does not 
believe something ; and I feel a great hostility toward 
the man who would take away the belief of anybody 
without giving him something better in return. {Ap- 
plause. ) 

There is a distinguished disbeliever in the United 
States (but I do not come any nearer naming him) 
who came into the reading-room of the Riggs House 
one day. A distinguished gentleman (not of the Re- 
publican party, but, on the whole, a very good sort of 
a fellow), who was sitting there and enjoying his 
morning cigar, said to him : 

"Robert" — I beg your pardon, I will not name 
him {great laughter) — "do you see that man cross- 
ing the road \ " 

It was a slushy day on the asphalt streets of Wash- 
ington; he wore two crutches; lie was honorably en- 
titled to them ; and he was coming across very care- ' 
fully. Said he, " Robert, blank you." 

Said Robert : " What do you mean \ " 

"Why," said he, "you belong to the class of men 
that are kicking away that poor devil's crutches and 
giving him nothing else to help him through this 
world." And they are Mugwumps. {Laughter and 
a pplause. i 

I think this is the greatest country, the best coun- 
try, the most promising country, the leading country 
of the world ; the nearest perfect in its constitution, in 
its laws, in its hopes, and in its ambitions; and alto- 
gether and in every way the best nation that ever 
lived on the face of the earth. {Applause.) I think 



14 

it has got the best history to boast of. I think 
that if you begin with AVashington, come down to 
Adams and Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Adams, 
Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, and Polk even, 
and old Zach and Filmore, and even Buchanan, to 
Lincoln and Johnson, and all of them to this day, we 
can challenge any other nation in all the world to 
compare the rulers of a hundred years with us. (Ap- 
plause.) 

There is no nation, I think, in all the world that 
has had a country so free from great revolutionary 
and fundamental changes as ours has been; although 
the philosophers make as a favorite objection to a 
democratic form of government that it is subject to 
violent revolutions and unreasonable changes. It is 
the Republican party — the Republican party under 
whatever name it may be, whatever changes it may 
undergo, and whatever possible changes of name it 
may have (although I do not see why anybody should 
throw away the good will of the name) — it is the Re- 
publican party of the republic that carries the Ark 
of the Covenant as the instinct of the future — a belief 
in liberty, justice and equality — and the blessed flag 
that symibolizes all. (Great applause and three 
cheers for Senator Hawley.) 

President Foster : I give you the important toast of 
the evening, " The Empire State," and I take pleasure 
in introducing Mr. Hiscock. 

« 

.Response of Hon . Front; His cod'. 

In responding to the toast, "The Empire State," 1 
will not speak of her past history, nor glorify the 
present wealth, education, and prosperity of her 
people and her proud and commanding position in 
tlie nation. To-night we need not review the past or 
dwell upon the present for inspiration to the work 
before us as Republicans. You have organized for 
the achievement, through the Republican party of the 
State and the nation, of a still higher degree of pros- 
perity for the people. (Applause.) You know the 
mission for the party is not ended, hut with all those 
great measures for which she has contended in the 
past, established by the Constitution and statutory 
laws, she will not be content to hold the present, but 



15 



will continually struggle to settle, in the interest of 
the country, those great political issues that must of 
necessity constantly arise in the administration of a 
government of nearly sixty millions of people. Thank 
Heaven, gentlemen, our State demands of us, as the 
indispensable condition of her confidence, a progres- 
sive policy. {Applause.) 

We of New York are a nation of merchants, me- 
chanics, and farmers— laborers and producers — and 
by labor we transmute all baser metals and products 
into gold. We believe in material wealth, and do not 
subscribe to that most vicious of dogmas, that wealth 
is an evil and the cause of depravity, vice, and crime. 
And, as labor is the basis — the creator of wealth, we 
honor and will protect and foster it with that 
security and those rewards which will most equally 
distribute the product to the producer, thus carrying 
to all occupations, callings, conditions, and communi- 
ties, food, clothing, education, intellectual and moral 
development. (Applause.) All this comes from ma- 
terial prosperity. I have named gold. The people 
of New York have no prejudice against that metal, 
and here we can hold the position of honesty as be- 
tween debtor and creditor. We are not debauched 
with a vicious doctrine of advancing values — inflation 
of prices is better — by debasing our currency. We 
are not so particular as to the kind of currency we 
have, or how many of them, but we will insist that 
their unit value shall equal that of the money of the 
highest civilization, and of the most prosperous trad- 
ing nations of the world, that abroad it shall not be 
the subject of discount, and at home its purchasing 
power shall be unimpaired. (Applause.) 

As our flag is the equal of any other flag that floats, 
and our country as prosperous, so must our money 
be as honest and as representative of value as that of 
other first-class powers. {Loud applause.) 

I congratulate the Republican party of New York 
that, much as we value foreign trade and commerce, 
we will never consent to a financial policy that will 
force the most precious of metals from the country to 
pay balances abroad, but insist that it must be kept 
here to add to our own currency. When exported, 
it is certain that labor is not producing here the 
equivalent of what we consume, and improvidently 
we are encroaching upon our capital, and while we 



16 



will have commerce, ii mus1 not and need not be at 
thai cost. {Applause.) 

Yes; commerce we must have, and the Government 
must help us to it. Other wise and prosperous 
governments aid their merchants to a foreign com- 
merce, and why should not ours? {Applause.) 

Already i here may be produced here t hose waves in 
demand elsewhere, and at a competitive cost. Trans- 
portation in American ships only is wanted, and the 
Republican party is in favor of Government aid, and 
1 believe all other parties, for that matter, here in 
New York. 

I have said Ihe people of this State are rich. We 
have grown so by respectable economy and enterprise, 
not by miserly parsimony. We do not believe in that, 
and we will not practice it. {Applause.) 

Our Treasury is full. And I deny thai taxation 
here is a burden upon the people. 

Exclusive of the taxes collected from tobacco, beer, 
sugars, and luxuries of wealth, the Government raises 
not to exceed forty millions of dollars, from what 
may be characterized as the necessities, conveniences 
and comforts of life— from those articles that enter 
into daily use with all classes of people- the jtoor 
and the rich alike. 

This trifling amount is all there is of it. Trifling, I 
have properly characterized it, when we understand 
that it is paid by nearly sixty millions of people, and 
levied upon the vast resources and wealth of the 
country, with an annual product of more than six 
thousand millions of dollars. {Ap>plause.) 

I say, place our ships upon the seas; let the general 
Government foster our merchant marine so that lines 
of transportation shall be established with all the 
ports of the world where they will buy or have goods 
io sell, and put an end to the necessity of transport- 
ing our products in foreign bottoms. Build a navy 
to defend our commerce, and command respect for 
our nationality and flag wherever we trade and it 
floats. Fortify our coasts and our ports, and no 
longer permit them to remain an easy prey to the 
weak, and the contempt of the world. \ Loud op- 

plausi .1 

So maintain our navy, and our coasl defences as to 

command respect abroad. I believe that the people 
are in favor of this, and that the Republican party 



17 

has made no mistake in contending for it. {Ap 
plause). 

The money it Avill cost for labor and material will 
be paid to our own people, and will remain here in 
the country. The industries will !»• stimulated, our 

products increased, our \ pie will be employed, and 

a better market afforded to that great foundation 
industry of our country — agriculture. 

Mr. President, upon these issues that 1 have 
suggested the Republican party has already taken its 
position. They are to be fought out, and we are to 
win. Then there will be accomplished in the future 
for the Empire State progress as rapid and glorious as 
that whiehhas already marked her history. {Long 
applause.) 

President Foster: We now come to our nexl toasl 
—"The Republican Party." 

"We glory in its achievements in advancing the prosperity, 
dignity ami importance <>i the nation, and its fidelity to Hi" 
principles upon winch the [JnioD is founded. The vitality, strength, 
and spiril of the party to-day are an assurance of the further high 
aim distinguished services it is destined to render in Ha- cause ol 
gi iod government." 

To which Governor Foraker, of Ohio, will respond. 

Responst of Governor Foraker. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: I want to com- 
mence by thanking the committee having this occa 
sion in charge for the kind complimenl of their 
invitation to attend it. And I want to proceed by 
thanking them again for the still kinder complimenl 
of an invitation to respond to the toast thai has just 
been proposed. To be accounted worthy by such men 
to speak, in such a presence, at such a time, to such 
a subject, is an honor indeed. I would nol he insen- 
sible to it if I could, and I could not !»• so if 1 would. 
{Applause.) [ assure you, therefore, that 1 have for 
it all a high— but no more, 1 trust, than a just and 
proper— appreciation. And now, having said that 
much. I want to go on and say thai, notwithstanding 
all I have indicated, I undertake the discharge of ihe 
duty that has been so kindly laid upon me. laboring 
under the highest degree of embarrassment. It is 
embarrassment, however, not to think of something 
to say, but only to determine to what very little of 
2 



IS 



the very much that ought to be^said I shall give the 
preference. 

The trouble is that when one comes to speak of the 
Republican party there rises before the mind and 
presses upon the attention all that is good and great, 
and grand and illustrious in the last thirty years of 
American history. {Applause.) And I might say, 
without any exaggeration, all of that character that 
has transpired in American politics since the adoption 
of the Federal Constitution. For the simple truth is 
that, with the possible exception of the questions 
growing out of and attendant upon the war of 1812 
with Great Britain, there was not, from the beginning 
of our Government down to the organization of the 
Republican party, any kind of a political triumph for 
which the party achieving it has any claim whatever 
upon either The gratitude or the admiration of man- 
kind. {Applause.) 

During all this period political disputes and elec- 
tions had reference to purely administrative and 
business questions. They related to the tariff, inter- 
nal improvements, public lands, and questions of like 
character— all of them important and practical enough 
to excite interest and command attention ; but what 
1 mean to indicate is that there was no great moral 
principle involved, neither was there any party line 
yel established based on any kind of constitutional 
struction of governmental power. In other words, 
the day of heroic questions in American politics had 
not yet come. 

I do not mean to say there was no agitation or dis- 
cussion during this period about slavery, nor that the 
Democratic doctrine of State sovereignty was yet un- 
known, but only that party lines were not yet drawn 
with reference to these issues, and that there were no 
political contests and no party triumphs on these 
accounts. And what is still more to the purpose is 
the fact that the political successes that were achieved 
settled nothing, even as to the questions to which 
they did relate. The consequence was that we had 
no ti\> j d American policy about anything: we were 
neither for free trade nor for protection, but first for 
the one and then for the other ; and if we at one time 
favored internal improvements, we shortly changed 
our mind, abandoned the work and sold the tools with 
which it had been prosecuted, at public auction, to the 



19 



highest bidder. The result was, thnt notwithstanding 
a remarkable growth of population and immigration, 
and notwithstanding we had all the physical condi- 
tions that favored the highest degree of prosperity 
and development, yet we continually languished in 
all that makes a nation strong at home and respected 
abroad . 

Our revenues were insufficient to meet the ordinary 
expenses of the Government. We were compelled to 
go into the market to borrow to make the ends meet, 
and when we undertook to do that, we discovered 
that we were practically without credit. We could 
not borrow except with the greatest difficulty, and at 
the most ruinous rates of discount. Such was the 
deplorable condition to which we had been brought 
by the boasted seventy years of Democratic rule that 
preceded 'the war. {Applause.) 

The trouble was that from the beginning we had 
been hampered by slavery. In itself a great wrong, 
it contaminated everything with which it came in 
contact. It blunted the moral sensibilities of the 
whole people, and dwarfed and destroyed the business 
sense of those who had charge of our public affairs. 
Founded as it was on a denial of personal liberty, it 
sought to go further and suppress free speech, not 
only at home, but throughout the Union. It refused 
to be content with less than legal recognition and 
protection in all the States and Territories. To this 
end it gave its the Mood of Kansas, the Dred Scott 
decision, the fugitive slave law and the doctrine of 
secession, the legitimate product of the resolutions of 
1798. 

In the light of the present, it seems incredible that 
an intelligent and self-respecting people should have 
so long tolerated so much impudence, iniquity and 
humiliation . {Applause.) 

But at hist the end came. In 1852 the Whig party 
died, and the way was cleared for a new party and 
better issues. 

Unman rights had at last attracted attention, and 
the battle was on between slavery and freedom, a con- 
flict that was intensified to the highest degree because 
it was wrapped up in that great vital question of our 
governmental right to perpetuate our governmental 
existence. (Applause.) 

The lines were quickly and sharply drawn, and for 



20 



the first time in American politics it meant something, 
both morally and patriotically, to be on the one side 
or the other. Thus it was the Republican party had 
its birth. It was the conscientious outburst of an in- 
spiration of human liberty. {Applause.) It was the 
response to a patriotic demand for national integrity. 
{Applause.) It was also the people's indignant pro- 
test against the stupid imbecility that had wasted our 
revenues, neglected our development, degraded our 
laborand destroyed our credit. {Applause.) It came 
into power pledged to the preservation of the Union, 
a limitation of the aggressions of slavery, and the 
application of sound business sense to the adminis- 
tration of public affairs. But it came to find the 
Government practically overthrown, the Union sub- 
stantially dissolved, and the Constitution and laws 
openly defied in one-half of the country. 

I cannot dwell upon what followed. Fortunately, 
it is not necessary I should do so, for it constitutes 
The most familiar chapter of American history. It is 
sufficient to say that when this party found itself 
confronted with the dread alternative of war or a 
dissolution of the Union, it did not hesitate for one 
moment to do its duty {applause), but, although 
without army or navy, without money or credit, it 
fearlessly flung the flag to the breeze, and confidently 
appealed to the patriotism of the people and the re- 
sources of the nation. {Applause.) 11 was not dis- 
appointed in either. Its call for troops was answered 
by the grandest army that was ever marshalled on 
this or any either continent. {Applause.) It put 
more than a million men into the field, and main- 
tained them there until, in more than three hundred 
bloody battles of the Republic, they shot to everlast- 
ing death the heresy of secession and the infamy of 
rebellion. {Ringing applause.) 

To carry on this stupendous work it raised and 
expended more than six thousand millions of dollars, 
and accounted for it all. to the last dollar, with such 
scrupulous honesty and fidelity as to stamp its civil 
service as the most intelligent, honest and capable 
that any government has ever enjoyed since civiliza- 
tion began. ( Applause. \ 

It struck the shackles from four millions of colored 
people and lifted them up out of the degradation of 
human bondage into the sunlight of human liberty 



21 

i applauSi ) ; and not content with that, it went further 
.■mil planted the whole race on the same plane of 
equality with ourselves in the presence of the'Consti- 
tution and the laws. {Applause.) 

And while it was doing this for the colored man. it 
was doing something for the white man also. 

It made it honorable for him to labor and to eat his 
bread in the sweat of his own face. 

It never had been so before. It enacted homestead 
laws, endowed and established agricultural colleges, 
provided a-sound financial system, secured diversity 
of employment, domestic commerce, and an unexam- 
pled prosperity for the whole country, by the adop- 
tion and maintenance of that wise and patriotic policy 
of protecting American industries and American 
labor. {Applause.) Behold the results ! 

When we came into power our aggregate wealth 
was lint $16,000,000,000. When we went out of power 
it was nearly $50,000,000,000. {Applause.) In 1860 
our Government was everywhere regarded as only an 
experiment. In 18*4 it was everywhere regarded as 
one of the freest and strongest ever established by 
man. {Applause.) In 1860 we were a nation of 
sections at fatal war with each other as to certain 
questions of a radical and vital character. We had 
an irreconcilable conflict about slavery, and were 
hopelessly divided as to the very theory and form 
of our Government. We could not agree even as to 
who had made our organic law — the States or the 
people — much less as to its construction. But when 
the Republican party went out of power every such 
question had been settled {applause), and so thor- 
oughly and satisfactorily settled tlrat all parties 
accept the results as finalties. ( Applaust . I 

The South, whom we were compelled to whip back 
into the Union, call themselves a " New South " to 
escape the odium that attached to the old, and thank 
us with profuseness because we did whip them <<>/'- 
plause); and especially because we destroyed the 
institution of slavery. 

And as it is at the South with respect to the results 
of the war, so, too, is it throughout the whole country 
as to every measure of national importance adopted by 
the Republican party while in power. For each and 
every one there is only the most unqualified approba- 



00 



fcion in the hearts and at the hands of all classes of 
people. 

N"o matter whether one be a Democrat or a Repub- 
lican, he a1 Least enthusiastically professes himself to 
be in favor of the Union and the Constitution as it is 
—just as the Republican party made it. i Applause. I 

To such an extent is this true that, as all know, the 
present Democratic administration at Washington 
sticceeded to power only because it first succeeded in 
satisfy in-- enough of the people of the country to put 
it there that it had no principles or purposes of its 
own. and that it would content itself with a faithful 
adherence to ours. [Laughter and cheers?) 

And it is only the simple truth to say that it has 
the confidence of the country only to the extent 
that it has disowned Democracy and adopted Repub- 
licanism. ( Applause.) 

And thus it is that in the hour of defeat the Re- 
publican party has won another splendid victory by 
the enforced approbation and adoption of its work at 
the hands of its enemy. 

This is a matter of no small significance. It makes 
secure for all time to come the grand works that have 
been accomplished. If the Republican party should 
do nothing more, it has done that which will cause it 
to be accounted a great honor in all time to come to 
have been one of even its humblest members. {Ap- 
plause.) But it will do more — its mission is not yet 
ended. The party that saved the Union — preserved 
and perfected the Constitution — emancipated and en- 
franchised the slave — developed our resources, ele- 
vated and dignified our labor, aud restored our 
financial credit \\ as not born to die so soon. (CJiet rs.) 
The party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield cannot 
be counted out of existence as it has been counted 
out of power w/ i>i>lt( a s< i ; on the contrary, the defeat 
it has sustained has bul purified its membership, 
closed up its ranks and strengthened its purpose. 
I Applause.) 

Inspired by the illustrious deeds of the past, and 
appreciating the duties and opportunities of the pre- 
sent, ir is going forward with resistless sweep to the 
new contests and new conquests of the future. Great 
problems concern the American people. What shall 
be the solution of the labor question, of the liquor 
question, of the silver question, of the Chinese ques- 



23 



tion, of the Canadian fisheries question, and' of the 
all-important question of reform in our municipal 
governments? The Republican party must answer. 
Let it answer in the future as ever in the past. Lei 
it be guided by morality and patriotism, and then ii 
can go forward with fearless aggressiveness to the 
sure accomplishment of an acceptable work. (Ap- 
plauS( . I 

To these ends it must, however, have a bold, fear- 
less, unflinching and positive leadership. (Applause, - 
It must be distinctly understood that we favor a five 
ballot and a fair count, and that we are not afraid to 
say so. (Applause.) It must be proclaimed with 
equal emphasis that we favor a protective tariff for 
the .sake of protection- (Applause.) 

In short, it must be made plain that we think more 
of the United States of America than we do of Great 
Britain or any other power, and that we intend to 
develop our resources and multiply our industries, 
enlarge our navy and fortify our sea-coasts until we 
are independent of every other nation on the face of 
the earth, and able to defend ourselves against all the 
world, I Applaust . \ 

Republicanism never gained anything in the past 
by mincing words and compromising attitudes, and it ■ 
never will gain anything that way in the future. We 
are too old, have had too much experience, fought too 
many fights and stand charged with too many grave 
responsibilities to waste time listening to impractic- 
able teachings about theoretical-isms. Let the long- 
haired men and the short-haired women go to tin- 
rear while the lines move on to victory (applaust i; 
and as we go forward let every man defiantly rejoice 
that he belongs to a party which to-day, as in the 
past, represents the loftiest purposes and the noblest 
ambitions and aspirations of the American people. 
(Great applause, waving of napkins, and cheering.) 

President Foster — Your committee had believed 
that American shipping would have been ah appro- 
priate toast, but after we investigated the subject we 
found there was hardly any shipping to talk about, 
and so we have concluded not to have it introduced 
to-night. (Laughter ami applause.) 

i.l voice: Wait unlit the Republican V arty gets 
into power.) 



24 



We will, then, pass to the nexl toast — "The Reform 

of the Party within the Party." 
(.1 voice: W( don't need any.) [Laughter.) 
And we will hear from a hero of a magnificent 

political contest. Senator Harrison. (C7iet rs.) 

Responst of Senator Harrison. 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Repub- 
lican Club of New York City: Some bright 
member here has made my speech for me. There 
lias been some strange incongruity in the places of 
these toasts to-night. [A voice: We err inexperi- 
enced.) It is not a pleasant assignment to follow 
the magnificent speech in behalf of the Republican 
party — detailing its achievements, bringing to our re- 
collection the brilliant pathway in which it has 
walked— with a suggestion that there is to be some 
reform within it. 1 suppose the suggestion is hypo- 
thetical in its character. It was meant to bring to 
our attention to-night a suggestion that when the 
Republican party needs reforming we ^\ill do it our- 
selves. {Applause.) (A voic< : Awl />■< won't have 
tin' Mugwumps.) It is a question that we have not 
debated in Indiana. [Laughter <ni<l applause?) I 
am. therefore, unfamiliar with the arguments by 
which it should be supported. I must appeal, not to 
experience but to philosophy, to defend the sugges- 
tion of my toast. I suppose it must be some question 
of table manners in the Republican party that is 
giving somebody some trouble. [Laughter?) Noth- 
ing more serious than that. And. if that be true, 
then 1 suggesl that the instructor who would reform 
our table manners must belong to the household. 
1 1 'rit s of "• Good/") The unfriendly criticisms of the 
man across the street will not he accepted. Or it 
may be that somebody is discontented with our 
tactics. If so. I suggest that he will not promote 
that reform by deserting to the enemy. [Applaust . • 
He lose- the point of influence when he does so. 
(General Hawle'y: "Decidedly.'''') [Laughter.) lie 
may from his new position kill and destroy, but he 
cannot promote a reform in tactics. 

If there are barnacles on the old ship it is poor 
policy to scuttle her. [Applause.) Le1 us put her 
in the dry dock and scrape her hull ! < >r. better still, 



take her into fresh water and those impediments will 
dropoff of themselves (applause), and the good old 
ship will yet show her heels again to the pirates that 
arc pursuing her. (Applause.) The man who thanks 
God that he is not as other men are has lost the power 
of persuasion. (Applause.) He can't draw. And, 
therefore, it is that the reform of the Republican 
party must come from men who believe in it. (Cries 
of "Good/") Who believe in its history, who believe 
in its power of growth and development, to throw off— 
not by the lopping of the axe. but by the inherent 
power of vital growth — everything that may attach 
itself to it that is unseemly or unsightly. (Cries of 
"Good!") The man who would succeed inlife must 
put lus shoulder under the load and not reach down 
his dainty and hesitating fingers toward the load, as 
some Republicans seem to have thought was the 
right policy in these latter years. The great body of 
the Republican party has always believed in pure 
methods and in pure men. (Applause.) It only 
needs, everywhere, that its primaries shall be open to 
all its voters. It only needs thai every Republican 
in those foundations of political influence and action 
shall be free to bring to bear upon its policies and upon 
its nominations an individual influence. ("Good." i 

I do not know whether there are here, or in any of 
ihe Eastern States, any restraints or limitations upon 
this freedom. I do know with us in the West the 
Republican primaries are free and open to every man 
who can prove his fidelity to the party by his work at 
the polls. (Applause.) The influences that formed 
the Republican party were eclectic in their nature. 
The call that brought them together was a call to sac- 
rifice and not to spoils, and ever since, that has been 
the dominating power in the Republican party. The 
springs from which it drew its inspirations were found 
in the high hills of truth and duty. (Applause.) 
Who formed it? Will some man name its architect? 
You may call to-night the roll of its first Convention, 
but they were delegates who assembled there, and its 
platform was first written in the hearts of the people 
before it was reported to the Convention. The men 
of '56 and their worthy sons constitute the party to- 
day. (Applause, i I do not hesitate to say that the 
conscience — the patriotism — of this country is in the 
Republican party. (Applause.) It never responds 



26 

with more alacrity, or with more magnificent force, 
than when some moral issue challenges its allegiance 
and its actions. {Applause.) 

It has been a party of progress. It has pioneered 
just as the settlers from these Eastern States in the 
earlier times cut out their pathways for emigration 
through the wilderness of the West ; so has the Re- 
publican party, by its gr%at leaders and its great fol- 
lowing, marked out new paths in statesmanship and 
brought after them liberty and peace and an amazing 
prosperity. ( Applause.) 

The Democratic party has been a party of obstruc- 
tion. It has seemed to me that it was the boulder in 
this great stream of progress and prosperity which 
has been bearing us on — resisting, fretting, complain- 
ing and making progress itself only as it was borne 
along by the current that it resisted, i Applause.) I 
have seen sometimes, upon a hot summer's day, on 
one of our dusty turnpikes in Indiana, a remarkable 
equipage, a poor lean horse with shuck collar and 
rope lines, dragging a creaking vehicle, whose wheels 
followed each other in this fashion (illustrating a zig- 
zag style), with a, sallow, sad-faced man in the wagon, 
and a more sallow and more sad-faced woman walk- 
ing behind {laughti /'). and a yellow dog trotting along 
beneath, and as I have noticed that equipage dragging 
its weary, dusty way along upon the turnpike that 
had been made for it, amid cultivated fields, dotted 
with school houses and with church spires, denoting 
and pointing the faith of the people who had the 
courage to open and settle the country — as I have seen 
it drawing its weary way along, I have said to my- 
self: "Here comes the Democratic party!" {Pro- 
longed laughter and applause.) 

I think these reforms must begin and progress and 
end within the party, because I do not know of any 
political organization outside of it that has any refor- 
mative power lo spare. (Mare laughter and ap- 
plause.) Certainly not the Democratic party. I know 
that our Mugwump friends think that they have a 
great deal of surplus reformative energy, but the 
trouble with those people is that they have put them- 
selves up on the shelf like some dried cakes of 
Fleisehiuan's compressed yeast, and they can have 
no power upon the mass that they should leaven, 
because i hey have ceased to have contact with, it. 
{Laughter and applause.) 



27 

I unite in the invitation, so gracefully extented to 
them by ray brother Hawley, to come back, to put the 
leaven in the lump, and let us have the benefit of it, 
but to abandon this silly notion that these dried cakes 
on the shelf can work the reform of the Republican 
party. {Applause.) 

And so it is. We will do our own work, like the vital 
force. The Republican party is opening its primaries, 
making free the sources of power and influence 
within it, and asking that where there lias been a free 
and fair expression in Convention that every man will 
give his allegiance and his support to the work which 
the Convention does. {Applause.) 



President Foster — I give you as the gentleman who 
will respond to the next toast — " Young Men in Poli- 
tics"— one who has never yet had more than he can 
do — the 1 Eonorable Cha uncey M . Depew . (Chet rs . i 

Response of Hon. Ck*>" ncey M. Depew. 

I am glad these toasts are beginning to assume 
some relation to the gentlemen who are to respond to 
them. When Senator Hawley, whose sentiment was 
"Lincoln," started off with mine of "The Young Men 
in Politics," and Senator Hiscock took up Governor 
Foraker's subject, "The Republican Party," and 
Foraker started out on Hiscock' s domain, "The Em- 
pire State," I began to think the honored guests had 
been exchanging speeches, and became alarmed about 
my own. (Laughter.) Governor Hawley eloquently 
remarked that it was the greatest of distinctions to 
be a private when everybody was a titled officer. 
Then I am the most distinguished man upon this 
platform, for all the other gentlemen but myself are 
Governors, Senators or generals. {Laughter. ) I have 
found during the evening that conversation was im- 
possible, because, if I began a question "Governor," 
the answer came in chorus from the dozen of them 
about me. (Laughter. ) I was recently in a Southern 
city and the landlord said to me: Colonel Depew, if 
you desire recognition in this town and to bridge 
over the bloody chasm, always remember that every 
citizen is either a general or a judge. (Laughter.) 

The youthful vigor of the Republican party was 



1'S 



never better shown than in the vigorous ami mag- 
ueiie eloquence which has electrified us to-night. 
{Applause.) \\ lias been worthy of the most heroic 
period and most inspiring achievements of the grand 
old [tarty. It is impossible for me to voice the en- 
couragement and hope which comes to us whose lor is 
cast in a district when' the enemy beat us nine times 
and con 11 1 us out the tenth, when we listen to the 
aggressive eloquence from you gentlemen of the 
Wes 1 . who win nine times, and the tenth get there 
just the same. ((,'/■( ill hi ui/Iifi r and applaiiSi .) 

It has always been the custom in companies of 
veteran politicians to call upon " callow youth," with 
ii^ want of opportunity and experience, in speak for 
the young men in politics. {Laughter.) In this 
instance and upon this line the selection has been 
well made. [More laughter .) I see about me gentle- 
men who were famous tw. nty-five years ago, and the 
time required prior to that to reach their then high 
positions no man living remembers. I have always 
found that when a life-lone officeholder loses the con- 
fidence of his constituency or exhausts the patience 
or generosity of the appointing power he immediately 
violently projects to the front the bald and frosted 
pate (/hi/;////, /■) and calls upon the young men of the 
State to rally for the reform of the partj . ( 5< //•• wed 
laughU r a ml applaus< . i 

AVhai is age? What is youth? They are purely 
relative terms. It is not a question of years, but of 
grip. The college professor of forty who despairs of 
the party and votes with the enemy is fifty years 
older than Hannibal Hamlin at eighty, who dispenses 
with an overcoat. The hot and turbulent blood of 
early manhood forces the pace so rapidly that it is 
necessary to put on the brakes, but when middle life 
is passed, the man who resists most successfully the 
waste of declining years, the indolence which comes 
come- from comfortable positions, the temptations 
for ease and for pleasure, and who. with all his 
powers, keeps himself vigorously, actively and indus- 
triously alert and abreasl with the living issues, 
questions and controversies of the day. carries with 
him longest the bloom and the efflorescence of youth, 
i Applaust .) 

The two men who are the most important factors in 
the destinies of peoples and in the politics of nations 



29 



are Bismarck at seventy-four and Gladstone at 
seventy-six. 

There are crises in the history of every great people 
when conservatism is a convertible name for treason, 
when the lines of old party associations and affilia- 
tions are the boundaries of the dungeon, and when 
fidelity to ancient principles and precedents creates 
tin- conditions of an inquisitorial torture which Leads 
to certain death. Twice only in the history of this 
people have these conditions existed, and each time 
they have led to a union of the young men of the 
country and to the projection into the foremost ranks 
of politics and of statesmanship of the young men of 
the nation — namely, in the Revolutionary party of 
'76 and the Republican party of '56. {Applause.) 
The one struck out first for republican government 
and then for independence and nationality. The other 
struck first for the union of the States, and then for 
the union of the States only upon the basis of univer- 
sal liberty and the equality of all men before the law. 
i Applause, i 

If the nation would remain* free, its young men must 
be the most important factors in its politics and its 
parties. They alone possess the element which over- 
turns rings and upsets combinations and all other 
artificial creations for the suppression of popular sen- 
timent. They alone possess thai quality, so necessary 
at times, where audacity leads caution and imagina- 
tion and enthusiasm command judgment. The daj 
that marks such a distaste for politics and public life, 
such a disappearance of activity in the affairs of the 
State and of the Government, as w ill make it bad form 
and unpopular for young men to lie active, will mark 
the decadence, to lie followed by the overthrow, of the 
liberties of the country. {Cheers.) 

Tens of thousands of young men stand every year 
upon the threshold of manhood and must make their 
choice of the parties with which they shall cast their 
lot and activities. The elements which win them are 
the traditions and inspirations of the past and the 
promise of the future. 

The Democratic party presents nothing in the pasl 
thirty years of its existence to inspire the imagina- 
tion, to appeal to the enthusiasm, or to warm the 
patriotism of youth. {Applause.) The ingenuous 
young voter looks back among the public men of that 



30 



organization to find that, while they were able states- 
men, the conditions of their position, the necessities 
of their organization, the frightful results of their 
affiliations, compelled them to be eternally the drags 
upon The wheels of progress and the hindrance in the 
development of the prosperity and the moral in- 
fluences of the country. {Applause.) They must 
necessarily seek to thwart and defeat the party of 
progress, and so they were always years behind the 
sentiments, the needs and the aspirations of the peo- 
ple. {Loud applause.) He looks over their public 
declarations and finds their speeches an arid waste, 
in which the dry bones of previous conditions are 
rattled over and over again — {lauglder) — bones be- 
longing to the principles which had been buried by 
the civil war ten thousand feet below the surface of 
the earth. {Loud applause.) 

lie turns, on the other hand, to the Eepublican 
party, and lie learns that it was born in the inspiring 
sentiments of Tree soil and free men. {Applause.) 
lie studies the history of its founders, and finds that 
most of them lived up to within the period when he 
could know something personally of their greatness 
and participate in the national mourning at their de- 
mise. There stands before him that rough, strong, 
grand figure, whose rise from among The people, whose 
great heart, great mind, character and achievemenTs 
had made for him the first and most enduring fame 
among the statesmen of his generaTion — Abraham 
Lincoln. {Prolonged applause.) 

lie looks for constructive staTesinanship which can 
create, in national exigencies, out of bankruptcy, of 
losT credit. The means for carrying on great and ex- 
pensive warfare, and There looms up the figure of 
Salmon P. Chase. {Renewed applause?) He finds a 
period when the hands of The republic were Tied by civil 
war, when The monarchies and despoTisms of The Old 
World were plotting for the overthrow of The repub- 
lie and the destruction of liberty on This side, which 
reacTed on the other: and he reads of the brilliant 
diplomacy, the successful leadership, and the won- 
derful acquiremenTs of William II. Seward. {Great 
applause.) 

He naTurally turns to the halls of Congress, and 
There discovers the Tribune of the people — who voiced 
in most eloquenT and enduring language the moral 



31 



sentiment for which men were sacrificing their 1; 
upon the battlefield — in Charles Sumner. (Continued 
applause.) His inquiries as to the military glory of 
the republic are at once confronted with the history 
of that great soldier who commanded the largesl 
armies»and won the most victories fought in the 
greatest cause of modern times — General Grant. 
i Tremendous cheering^ again and again renewed.) 

But the past ah me will not retain his allegiance or 
keep his vote. The surging elements of our indus- 
trial and material conditions form the sea upon which 
he must find the ship that can carry him to prosperity 
and to safety. He looks out for that organization 
which is constructive and creative, which can under- 
stand the needs of sixty millions of people and legis- 
late for their wants. If he finds no organization 
equal to this great task and trust, then the young 
men of the country will unite and form one. 

But the Republican party has always been, and is 
to-day. the only organization which purs into the 
practical form of legislation the prim ia1 de- 

velop and promote American industry and care for 
American labor. It is not enough, however, that 
American industry should he protected — that the con- 
ditions should I" created when- capital can safely be 
invested in mines, in factories and in mills — but that 
same party either exists or will be created which can 
solve so successfully the distribution of wealth, the 
responsibilities of capital, the remunerative employ- 
ment of labor, as to bring about in all the great 
industrial centres of the land harmonious relations 
between the employers and employees, and prosperous 
and happy conditions for all classes of workers. 
(Applause!) 

There is a young man in politics who now occupies 
the exalted position of President of the United States. 
He is not yet recovered from one of the delusions of 
young Democratic politician (laughter) — that the 
fulfilment of the roseate and reform promises of the 
campaign necessarily lo>es him the confidence of 
party. (Renewed laughter.) He finds that just in 
proportion as he attempts to solve the question of 
revenue and tariff, upon which depend prosperity and 
employment, does he offend one section of his party; 
just in proportion as he reaches sound positions upon 
currency and finance does he alienate another portion 



32 



of his party; and when he carries into practice the 
Civil Service promises which the Mugwumpian re- 
I'ui'in placed so acutelj in Ins letter of acceptance 
{laughter) and platform, does he find himself de- 
serted by the whole of his party. {Renewed laugh- 
ter.) 80 that, as he loyally rises To the highest and 
besl conditions of his early promises and hopes does 
he become the mosl lonesome statesman in America. 
{Continued laughti r.) 

I remember thai 1 was once a pall-bearer at the 
funeral of one of the leading citizens of Peekskill. 
Noticing that the carriage was plunging wildly and 
likely to upset, 1 looked out and saw that the horses 
attached to the hearse were running away and gallop- 
ing across lots, while we were in reckless pursuit. I 
called to the driver to hold up, but lie only answered, 
as he gave his team the lash, " Mr. Depew, yon were 
born in Peekskill. and yon ought to remember that it 
is the custom in this tow n for The mourners To follow 
the hearse.*" {Great laugJlter.) While The Demo- 
cratic hearse is being frantically driven, now in the 
woods, now in The open, and now- on The road, to suit 
y condition of grief there may be behind, The 
Republican procession moves grandly forward, in 
harmonious columns and with equal step, alone The 
broad highway towards better government for the 
nation and freer and happier lives for The people. 
Well, gentlemen, The Republican party has nor now 
the responsibilities of power. They will secure Them 
only through the aid of the generous and ingenuous 
youth who This year and next year are To become The 
tirst voter> of the country. 

The\ ate coming from The fields. The workshops, 
and colleges, and they will be found in the ranks of 
our party of progress. The past of rhe party is 
absolutely secure. The present of the party is fully 
abreast with the needs and aspirations of The people. 
In the future of the party 1 hope for success in 1888. 
when the grand old organization, resuming The gov- 
ernment of The country which iT so admirably admin- 
istered for a quarter of a century, will for another 
equal period exhibit in The administration of affairs 

- unrivalled genius for promoting The development, 
The prosperity and the liberty of The republic. ^Lvwf 
and prolonged applav - 



33 



President Foster — The next toast of the evening — 
" The War Governors — 

The pillars of strength which upheld the fabric of our Na- 
tional Government in its hour of peril,'' 

will be responded to by Governor Oglesby of Illi- 
nois. {Applause.) 

Responst of Governor Oglesby. 

Mb. President anu Gentlemen of the Repub- 
lican Club : I thank you for your kind welcome, 
ami consider myself fortunate That, before the hour 
of 12 o'clock, I have at last an opportunity to pay my 
respects to an over-impatient audience. Laughter 
and applause.) Naturally fond of music— as are all 
uncultivated ears— listening to the rarse of 

The choristers and hand above, 1 was carried away in 
The early hours of The evening by The delicious in- 
cense of their harmony. Charmed as I was by the 
inspiring strains that fell upon n- from above, I \ 
in -piTe of all the harmonious resistance I could of 
overwhelmed by rhe dulcet notes that fell upon me in 
my own immediate neighborhood. The ex-Governor 
of Connecticut, who sits next to me on my left, was 
unusually sweet — not even surpassed by the dulcel 
note- of the distinguished gentleman from New York 
on my right, i Laughter.) 

■ 'I ul), I congratulate yon for the 

dole patriotism you exhibit in remembering, in 
these observances, the Wai I my 

of our people remember Them as I feel ought, and you 
have, therefore, commended you to a hi 

place in the minds of i enthre-i our 

utry by giving, on an occasion like this, a just 
ion -of the sei :' our illustrious War 

Governors. I was not enough one to enjoy all the 
praise that song and speech will bestow upon them, 
and yet I was too much one to indulge in extravagant 
praise of them. They were, indeed, a remarkable 
body of men. They stood as giants — as pillars of 

ngth— around the great Hercules Thar directed and 
led The forces of the great Republic. {Applau^ 
From Maine To California, north of Mason and Dixon's 
line. They were The unfaltering friends of the Union. 
the Republic and liberty. {Applause.) I have care- 
fully prepared a list of their names, which I take the 

a 



34 



liberty now to present, and feel more at liberty to 
fcal e lucb liberty because of the suggestions all around 
me to " read," " read " the names. 



STATE. 


OOVERXOR. 


TERM. 


Maine .... 


Israel Washburn, Jr. 


1 SI 11 -(!-.' 


n 






Abner Coburn . 
Samuel Corry 




1863 
1864-66 


New Hampshire 






Nathaniel S. Berry 
Joseph A. Gilmore 




1861-63 
1863-65 


Vermont 






Erashis Fairbanks 




1860-61 


" . 








Frederick Holbrook . 




1861-63 


ti 








John S. Smith . 




1863-65 


Massaehusetl 


s 






John A. Andrew 




1861-66 


Rhode Island 








William Sprague 
James Y. Smith 




[860-63 
1863-66 


' Connecticut 








William A. Buckingham 




1858-65 


New York 








Edwin D. Morgan 
Horatio Seymour 




1859-63 
1863-65 


New Jersey 








Charles S. Olden 
Joel Parker 




1860-63 
1863-66 


Pennsylvania 








Andrew G. C'urtin 




1861-67 


Maryland 








Augustus W. Bradford 




L861-65 


Kentucky 








Thomas E. Bramlette 




1863-67 


Ohio 

a 

it 








William Dennison, Jr. 
David Tod 
John Brough 




1860-62 

1863-64 
1864-66 


Michigan 








Austin Blair 




1861-65 


Indiana . 








Oliver P. Morton 




1861-67 


Illinois . 








Richard Yates . . 




1861-65 


Missouri 








Hamilton R. Gamble. 




1861-64 


Iowa 








Samuel J. Kirkwood . 




1860-64 


"Wisconsin 
u 
it 








Alexander W. Randall 
Leonard P. Harvey . 
Edward Salomon 




is.-,7-i;i 
1861-63 
1862-63 


tt 








James T. Lewis 




1863-66 


Minnesota 








Alexander Ramsey 
Stephen Miller . 




1858-62 
1863-66 


Kansas . 








Charles Robinson 
Thomas Carney 




1861-63 
1863-65 


California 








Milton S. Latham 




1860-62 


tt 








John G. Downey 




1861-63 


n 








Leland Stanford 




1863-64 


Oregon . 








John Whiteaker 




ls.-,s-(V3 


tt 








Addison C. Gibbs . . 




1862-66 



35 



The Senator from Connecticut, in responding to the 
toast "Abraham Lincoln," has paid such a tribute of 
respect to the memory of that exalted character that 
I do not feel at liberty to refer again to his name. I 
can only say, as the world of liberty-loving men 
everywhere say. "God bless his memory." {Great 
applause.) His high and upright spirit abides in 
the society of Washington and the angels. He was 
cordially and earnestly supported by the War Gover- 
nors. The crucial test which tried the courage, the 
patriotism and the great qualities of Abraham Lin- 
coln also tested and tried the courage of the men 
whom we now honor as the War Governors. (Ap- 
plause.) 

It n ay lie ever so trite, but it is true, to say that the. 
young Republic had never been tested and tried as 
during the dark hours of our late civil war. Not 
only new energies, but absolutely new forces had to 
lie developed. The courage of a. people — what real 
courage they possessed -was now To lie tried as never 
before, certainly never before since the close of the 
revolutionary war. It was the heroic ordeal of an 
heroic people, if heroism they really inherited and 
possessed. The time at last came when the better 
and higher elements of our human nature, as well as 
of our political organization, were to be tested in the 
crucible of fearful adversity and overwhelming na- 
tional calamity. We felt then, as we have felt ever 
since then, that the civilized nations of the earth con- 
scientiously, religiously and truthfully devoted to the 
rights of man would inevitably take a deeper interesl 
in our welfare than they had ever taken before. 
Much as we had discussed the war, long as We had 
talked about it — even in some general sense had ex- 
pected it — still, when it came we were wholly 
unprepared for it. 

Whilst we had the intelligence to foresee that the 
conflict between slavery and liberty might inevitably 
and finally come, we could never screw ourselves up to 
a real preparation for such an awful crisis, and were 
therefore, I again repeat — President, Congress, War 
Governors, and the people, all alike — wholly unpre- 
pared for the fearful ordeal. It must go down in the 
history of our country to the glory of the War Gov- 
ernors that they unfalteringly supported the armies 
of Abraham Lincoln, from the commencement to the 



36 



dost 1 of the war. {Ringing applause.) Border 
States, like New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois and Kansas had the worst of it. Sterner 
efforts seemed at the time required of the border War 
Governors — more resolute purpose and higher qual- 
ities of persistency, determination and will— than of 
the equally meritorious War Governors removed a 
step to the rear of the border loyal States. All honor 
to you. Senator Harrison, for your commendable 
career in the United States Senate. {Or eat applause.) 
All honor to the people of Indiana whom yon repre- 
sent. I know them well — have known them for more 
than half a century. Allow me to say, however, that 
in the Hoosier State — in that beautiful State you re- 
present — the proud spirit of Oliver P. Morton {loud 
a i>/il(ius, ), War Governor of Indiana, arose conspic- 
uously higher than that of any other of its devoted 
citizens. Governor Morton has left the impress of 
his greal character upon this nation. A more reso- 
lute and daring spirit was not found among any of 
the War Governors of the Republic. {Applause.) 
He was a great support to Mr. Lincoln; and, after- 
wards, in the United States Senate — after the crisis 
of war had passed — he placed himself among the 
foremost statesmen that have ever grown to greal 
renown and distinction in our country. I never 
knew a man who would grasp the perplexing fads 
of any situation more readily, more completely, and 
command them for the good of the Union more 
efficiently than Oliver P. Morton. {Applause.) 

And I shall not forget your State — your own glor- 
ious State — Governor Foraker. {Cheers and ap- 
plini, se.) It was also a border State — a State that 
gave the Republic and our cause Grant, Sherman 
and Sheridan. {Loud applause and cheers.) You 
were yourself a soldier {applaust i, and know the 
great service rendered the national cause by the War 
Governors of Ohio and its grand soldiery. {Ap- 
plause.) 

There was during the continuance of the war a 
vicious, disloyal and troublesome element — which 1 
do not care more definitely to define now — lying along 
the southern limits of the States of Ohio. Indiana and 
Illinois, that was the source of trouble and vexation 
to i he President and the War Governors, and to the 
loyal people, throughout the terrible conflict. It was 



an element of such odious and vexatious character 
that it necessarily required the best statesmanship t<> 
deal with, to circumvent and to control it. It is owing, 
perhaps, to that extraordinary fact, to those extraor- 
dinary circumstances, that the War Governors of 
Iowa, Illinois, Indiana ami Ohio, with one or two 
other exceptions, stand out more conspicuously in 
the history of the Civil War than do the names of 
other Governors of other States who were equally 
patriotic, equally honorable and deserving, but who 
were not favored with the opportunity for the tests 
of this order of statesmanship. I therefore consider 
it no uncommon honor that I have been designated 
to respond to the toast of the evening, ■■Our War 
Governors." to speak in memory of the dead and in 
praise of the few still surviving among us who are 
justly entitled to be placed in rank among the War 
Governors of the United States, i Applause.) 

The Republican party, after a quarter of a century 
of uninterrupted growth, greatness and power, 
needed a rest of four years. (Laughter.) A party 
which had, during four years of war, successfully ad- 
ministered the affairs of the great Republic— had wit- 
nessed the downfall of the rebellion; had closed up 
the chasm of civil war (applause) ; had managed by 
constitutional amendments and wise and careful 
legislation to heal the breach, to restore what had 
been lost in the peril of war; to revive the energies 
of a dispirited people, and to reconcile, consistently 
with good government and with national union, all 
tlie differences that had sprung up in the period of 
such a wild and fanatical conflict; that had emanci- 
pated four millions of enslaved people and lifted 
them up to the plane of American citizenship 
(cheers); that had wisely reconstructed and restored 
all that had been torn and riven and ruined by the 
wild fancies of wild men in a period of civil war; that 
had, in fact, brought back the enemies of the govern- 
ment to a respectful observance of its authority that 
had extirpated from their wild political theories the 
vagaries that they went to war to establish, and 
placed them back upon an equality of citizenship with 
the patriots of the republic; that had replenished 
our treasury; that had supplied our country with 
abundance of revenue; that had preserved the na- 
tional credit; that had upheld for integrity the char- 



38 



acter of the United Stales and provided for the pay- 
ment of its just obligations; that had provided every 
remedy of law necessary to meet every fault and 
shortcoming and desperation of war; that had, in 
fact, restored the statu quo of 1860 — earned worthily, 
fairly earned, a period of vest and repose, i LaughU r, 
cheers and ringing applause.) I do firmly believe 
the Republican party has found for itself a place in 
the history of the world which cannot be supplanted 
or erased by whatever may follow in the course of 
time or nature. {Great applause.) It did seem that 
the party was appointed of God, of fate or of destiny, 
to bear aloft the inspiring torch of liberty and to hold 
it in place before the admiring eyes of the world. 

It was, of course, purely adventitious that Abraham 
Lincoln was born in the valley of the Mississippi. 
We of the West were profoundly thankful that his 
birth and great career were providentially a heritage 
of our great valley; that he was born in Kentucky, 
adopted, reared, and prepared for the theatre of his 
great life in Illinois, we must be excused for claiming 
as a great privilege, and one modestly to be asserted 
by our people. I think such great characters, wher- 
ever born, will, if the geographical and political the- 
atre be opened before them, prove themselves in all 
ages and in all countries. We are conscious, how- 
i ver, that his life and character belong to the entire 
Republic — nay, more, to the world. {Applaust .) 

The rest that I referred to, although possibly desir- 
able, in any case, in the order of events naturally, we 
shall not be so selfish as to require shall last too long. 
At the close of this period of four years of uninter- 
rupted repose we shall be ready with renewed strength, 
and as lofty purpose as of yore, to assume again the 
responsibilities of constitutional government. {Ap- 
plause.) I am quite satisfied the Republicans of Illi- 
nois will not grumble if the period of rest shall he 
closed at the approaching end of the four years' tour 
of reposeful duty, i Laughter.) Losing none of the 
zeal of the past, treasuring in our hearts and affec- 
tions the glorious history of our irreproachable rec- 
ord, and looking lull in the face all the responsibili- 
ties that must attach to the incoming years, or the 
oncoming years, of governmental rule, we shall con- 
siderately ask the voters of the United States to again 



39 



place ns at the helm of power. We shall present to 
the American people irreproachable candidates, thor- 
oughly attached to the great doctrines of the Repub- 
lican party; familiar with its history, familiar with its 
purposes, and thoroughly indoctrinated with all its 
aims. {Lout! applause.) While we recognize the law 
of progress, while we shall seek for all the United 
States a proper development of the best and highest 
order of moral principles in government, we shall 
nevertheless insist that the citizens of our Govern- 
ment must bear in mind a true regard for and a true 
relation to the great principles which this party lias 
fixed upon the Constitution and our statute books, 
and upon its financial policy in the hist quarter of a 
century. 

I may be going further than other gentlemen, and 
may venture to say more than is excusable upon 
such an occasion, but, among others of its great 
accomplishments, I do insist that the Republican 
party has already paid and fully paid the national 
debt. To say that it has not paid the national debl 
when it has made the utmost provision for it, when it 
has offered a premium in the market upon its bonds 
which it placed upon the market; not only paying'all 
the interest upon the debt in coin, not only anxiously 
imploring bondholders to present them for redemp- 
tion, but going so far as even to be upon the verge of 
offering (which I do not personally favor) a premium 
to the owners of our bonds for the privilege of redeem- 
ing them, with a sinking fund that has been main- 
tained in hard times as well as in good times; with 
our revenue so ample, so abundant, so superfluous as 
to form a feature in the platforms of the parties of 
the country, is not claiming too much. In this con- 
dition, after having liquidated, as all hands agree all 
around, aside from pensions, more than $4,000,000,000 
growing out of the war — much more, far much more 
than half of the recognized bonded indebtedness; 
such a nation, under such a state of affairs, cannot 
be claiming too much if its great party the Re- 
publican party — claims among its other victories the 
additional one of having already paid the national 
debt. A wise nation, in my opinion, will husband all. 
its resources. It will not do to think that our re- 
sources are boundless and exhaustless. You of the 
East are partial to gold; a very large element of our 



40 



country looks alone to gold. We of the Mississippi 
Valley look to gold and silver alike as great helps in 
the development of the wealth of the nation. Be 
those minerals ever so abundant, and be the treasury 
ever so plethoric with both, still, a wise people, look- 
ing to the unknowable conditions of a great and un- 
fathomable future, will keep in view all its resources 
of wealth and development. We will not disj)arage 
gold, we will not disparage silver, nor do we see any 
necessity for any great haste in the attack upon or 
the movement against the outstanding recognized 
lawful and constitutional paper issues of the Govern- 
ment. An abundance of good money in the hands of 
an intelligent and industrious people can never lead 
to great harm; and that party, in my opinion, will 
thrive hest which will duly keep in view the use of all 
the elements that it has devised and created and 
utilize them in perpetuating and strengthening, not 
only the nation in its equipment of political powers, 
but also in all its agricultural, manufacturing, coin 
mercial and trading facilities. 

You know, gentlemen of the Republican Club, and 
gentlemen present this evening, that what are called 
the eyes of the world are still turned upon us, and 
you know that the vast populations of the earth are 
still claiming that a government of the people by the 
people and for the people, is still an experiment. 
Notwithstanding our great, splendid past, notwith- 
standing the history of all we have accomplished, we 
are still largely held by the world as in the crucible 
of test. AVe are still moving on, full of hope, full of 
courage, and full of purpose to make good the pre- 
dictions of our fathers and the beliefs of ourselves. 
We are surrounded by and confronted with new 
problems, that, in spite of all we can do, constantly 
arise in our pathway. Indeed, whenever a nation 
shall arrive at that period when it shall have nothing 
further to do, it may he said that it lias accomplished 
its end and is ready for decay. These problems of 
the day that confront us are by no means trivial or 
simply vexatious ones. I fear there is something 
deeper than the aggravations that appear upon the 
. surface. If new relations in life are to be established, 
and we cannot help it, then, as a party and as a peo- 
ple, let us try to meet them upon the wisest and safest 
possible ground — wisest in the sense of so solving 



41 



them as to be for the universal public good, and safest 
in the sense of solving them upon what shall here- 
after lie recognized as principles of absolute justice. 
Europe is in a sea of trouble to-day. The old nations 
with which we are familiar seem to have no period 
of rest : they are in the throes and agony of doubt, 
each one watchful of the other, each one suspicious 
of the other, each one ever on the alert to war against 
the assumptions or the inroads of the other; a 
standing army, all the equipment and outfit of war, 
with every invention of modern warfare in constant 
requisition — every steel pointed, every blade sharp- 
ened, every muzzle open, every reserve strengthened, 
so far as the world can see — ready to spring the 
one upon the other upon the least possible provoca- 
tion, and certainly upon the first exhibition of force. 
Whatever may lie said of the Republic, whatever 
may lie said of the instability of a government of the 
people by the people and for the people, I ask what 
can lie said of what are claimed to lie the more stalde 
governments, where arbitrary power certainly to some 
extent holds sway, under such circumstances and at 
such a time? Who of us in America would care to 
change our lot with theirs. They have nothing to 
boast of over us. (Applause.) The Republican 
party certainly has had for the past two years, and 
will for the next two, a period of rest that no foreign 
government has had in a quarter of a century. 
(LaugJder.) I say to you, gentlemen of New York 
and gentlemen of Xew England, do not be too uneasy 
about your sea-coast defences ; do not fear or appear 
to fear attack from Europe. (Laughter.) You have 
behind you the great Mississippi Valley, with its 
thirty millions of courageous and patriotic people 
who mean to share their lot with you . (La ugli ter a ml 
applause.') Living more remotely from the appar- 
ently imminent line of danger, Ave do not feel so 
oppressively — perhaps not so prudently — as you, the 
peril of an unprotected sencoast. We have a faith, 
however, that any momentary advantages to be 
gained by adjoining provinces or by armed nations, 
in the outset of a hostile attitude, could be of no 
great profit, of no great duration, with the loyal 
hearts of sixTy millions of people close at hand to re- 
resent any insult and to recover any lost ground 
that might momentarily be covered by a senseless 



B 



42 



and over-ambitious enemy. We are not opposed to 
reasonable appropriations nor proper precautions in 
this respect, however. "We try to teach ourselves, in 
the Mississippi Valley, to love the entire Union, and 
\ve shall always consider, where we live, that an in- 
vasion or imposition upon the rights of one of the 
States of the Union would lie an imposition upon us 
and an attack upon our liberty. We try to teach 
ourselves, in the Mississippi Valley, to feel that we are 
one united people, under one expanse of territory, 
united under one Constitution, governed by one 
system of laws, united in the accomplishment of 
some great and holy purposes, and will stand to- 
gether in the future, as we have in the past, against 
all intruders or invaders, whether from within or 
from without our borders. {Loud applause.) That 
was the great lesson the life of Lincoln taught; that 
is the great lesson the Republican party has im- 
pressed upon the country ; and whatever else may be 
said of our party and of our great leaders, it is no 
more than right to claim, and the world will concede, 
that there have been no such leaders and no such party 
\\\)0\\ this continent since the dawn of American civ- 
ilization. (Great applause and cheers.) 

President Foster — The next toast will be: "The 
Republican Clubs as agencies of Party Organization," 
which, in a very few words, will be responded to by 
our fellow-member, Edward T. Bartlett. I Applause.) 

Responsi of Edward T. Bartlett. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen — It was my in- 
tention to have responded to this toast, hut the hour 
is very late and we have guests here from a distance 
who have not yet spoken, and 1 propose ,<> give way 
to them and allow the calling of the toa-is to proceed. 
(Applause mid cheers. \ 

President Foster — We have from Pennsylvania — a 
State that has never failed the Republican party — 
one who will respond to the toast "A Tariff for Pro- 
tection — 

Tin- nurture ami encouragement of American industries by a 
judicious policy of protection is the demand of the country and the 
watchword of our party." 

I introduce the Hon. Galusha A. Grow. (Applause 
a nil cheers.) 



43 



Response of Hon. Galusha A. Grow. 

Mr. President axd Gentlemen of the Repub- 
lican Club— The hour draws nigh that ushers in the 
day sacred to the memory of the Child of the Manger, 
whose teachings along the hill-sides and by the sea- 
shore of Judea were so faithfully practiced by him 
whose memory we cherish to-night. The lateness of the 
hour itself precludes any attempt to discuss the tariff or 
any question relating to the industries of the country. 
Hence 1 shall content myself with a single remark. 
Most of the authors on political economy and college 
professors teach that the basis of national wealth and 
successful industries consists in selling where you 
can sell highest and buying where you can buy 
cheapest. That may be true, but the purchaser of 
the products of labor in all cases buys cheapest where 
he |,:i\ - easiest. It is one of the fallacies of free trade 
teachings that cheapness is to be measured by dollars 
and cents only. The man who has nothing to pur- 
chase the commodities of life with except his labor, 
is interested in exchanging that labor for these com- 
modities to the best advantage. That country 
(and it is the wisdom of statesmanship) that 
provides in its legislation to secure its own 
market to its own labor thereby enables labor 
to exchange its product to the best advantage, 
by giving it steady employment and saving to the 
consumer most in transportation. This fact was 
illustrated by the Irishman who, when he was asked 
by the man in the market a dollar a bushel for pota- 
toes, exclaimed, " Why, I could get them for ten 
cents in Ireland."' "Then, why didn't you stay 
there and buy them?" the seller asked. ••Faith," 
responded Pat, "to tell you the truth, I hadn't the 
ten cents." (Loud laughter.) That illustrates the 
rule. You buy cheapest in all cases where you pay 
easiest. While the Democratic party boasts of Jeffer- 
son as its first President, the Republican party boasts 
of Abraham Lincoln as its first President (applause), 
who, of all the civil rulers of the world, will hold 
through all time, in the hearts of the great and the 
good, a place second only to that of Washington. 
(Loud applause.) 



44 



President Foster — I take pleasure in introducing to 
vim the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, 
who will respond to " Civil Service Reform— 

An incalculable advantage to the country, if actually and faith, 
fully carried out But pretence of Civil Service Reform in theory 
accompanied by anti-Civil Service Reform in practice, presents an 
incongruity too patent to deceive." (Applause.) 



Response of Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge. 

It is very kind of you, Mr. President, to ask me to 
respond to a sentiment with which every one agrees. 
It leaves me in the pleasant position of Mr. Cruger, 
who contented himself with saying "ditto"' to Mr. 
Burke — a speech most admirable and memorable for 
its brevity. It is sufficient for me now to follow Mr. 
Cnivvr's example, but before closing I will simply say 
that there are some exceptions to the statement that 
everybody agrees with the sentiment to which I re- 
spond. 

Those Democrats who have been appointed to office 
recently do not believe in it because they are not in- 
debted for their good fortune to Civil Service Reform, 
and those Democrats wdio have failed to get office 
regard all systems of Civil Service as failures. Some 
have been taken and others left. Some are cheer- 
fully arranging the next Presidential nomination, and 
some, like the barber of King Minos, who breathed 
his master's secret among the Pactolian reeds, arc 
whispering about wooden idols to the bine grass of 
Kentucky in a frame of mind greatly to be deprecated 
by all truly good men. Now, if you combine these 
two classes, those Democrats who have got office and 
those wdio have not, you have the entire Democratic 
party — an exception of some magnitude, as well as a 
very interesting result. It is astonishing how an ap- 
parently trifling matter will grow when thoughtfully 
considered, which leads me to remark that even say- 
ing "ditto" may be expanded to fair proportions by 
a careful man. because no judicious person would wish 
to be misunderstood even in uttering that simple 
phrase. {Laughter.) It is this thought which in- 
duces me to add, very reluctantly, a few words. 
merely by way of explanation, to the brief speech 
which I had proposed. 



45 



Rightly understood, Civil Service Reform is an in- 
calculable advantage to the country, and, rightly 
understood, it means but one thing — the complete 
withdrawal of t lie business offices of the Government 
from politics. So this be done, the manner of doing 
it is wholly secondary. A political Civil Service may 
or may not be bad in itself, but in its effects it is 
wholly evil and vicious. 

It adds a vast corruption fund to the mercenary in- 
fluences always too numerous at elections. In the 
form of patronage, it injures and weakens every 
public man who touches it, and as all are obliged to 
do so more or less, it lowers the tone of public life; 
it offers a prize of enormous and constantly increas- 
ing value in every Presidential campaign, and, stak- 
ing the subsistence of thousands of men and women 
on the ballot box, it every four years sets a premium 
on fraud and violence, which in their results might 
easily menace the peace and welfare of the nation. 
It is un-American, because it rests on favoritism; it 
is unbusiness-like, because it selects public servants 
for politics, not fitness. The American people are 
the most business-like and successful people in the 
world, ami they are determined to have their Civil 
Service run on business principles. They care very 
little about the jangle over individual appointments. 
They believe in tlie underlying principle of the re- 
form, and public opinion makes the ultimate and 
complete triumph of that reform certain. I Applause.) 

In the second part of your sentiment, sir, to which 
I am also engaged in saying "ditto," I am pained to 
detect something that looks like criticism of the 
present Administration. I am saddened by this, be- 
cause it has become fashionable of late in certain 
quarters to set down criticism of the Administration 
as merely rank, wicked and offensive partisanship, 
apparently little short of high treason. {Laughter.) 
It is evident, however, that you, sir, still cling to the 
old-fashioned idea that the chief duty of an opposition 
in a representative government is to criticise, frankly 
and fairly, the doings of the party in power. Proceed- 
ing on this theory, therefore, it behooves us to say that 
the Civil Service, which, under Republican legislation 
and Republican Administrations had begun to emerge 
from politics, has been rudely thrust back again by 
the present Administration. {Loud applause.) What 



4(3 



other meaning can we give to the removal of nil Col- 
lectors of Internal Revenue, with the consequent 
change of their subordinates; or to the change of 
nearly all the Territorial Judges; or to the change of 
more than two-thirds of the officers continual >le by 
the Senate; or to the change of thirty thousand 
Postmasters I — a work being pushed steadily, with all 
possible speed. It is the same everywhere and in all 
departments. It is idle to seek to deny or palliate 
these facts (applause), and the Civil Service Asso- 
ciations of Maryland and Indiana, good witnesses cer- 
tainly, have spoken boldly and plainly of the de- 
bauching of the Civil Service in those States, al- 
though the Associations of New York and New Eng- 
land do not seem to have heard of it. To retain a 
Postmaster in New York and to utter pronunciamentos 
glowing with Civil Service zeal, do not alter the case 
one whit, but only make it worse. (Applause.) The 
Civil Service has, so far as possible, been brought 
back to the spoils system, and it is far better and 
more manly to avow and uphold such a policy than 
to carry it on in the name of reform. (Applause. ) 

I shall not say " ditto" any more — it takes too long; 
but I have one other word which I want to say of a more 
general nature. There are two classes of questions 
before the country to-day. One class divides parties. 
Such is the tariff — a great issue on which we stand 
united in favor of the protective principle, and which 
I hope to see discussed throughout the country by 
Republicans, and, above all, in such Southern States 
as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, and 
Alabama, where great industrial interests are spring- 
ing up. (Applause.) The other class of questions 
are those on which parties nominally agree, in their 
professions at least. On these the people demand 
action, and the way to satisfy the popular demand is 
by showing an energetic, coherent and effective party, 
ready to carry out a definite policy. (ApplauSi . I 

These questions may not go as deep as the great 
issues of slavery and secession, but they concern pro- 
foundly the welfare of the country. They demand 
better party organization and more effective party 
work than burning moral issues. As the liberal and 
progressive party of the country, it lies with us to 
deal with, for the incapacity of our opponents for 
constructive legislation is a truism. Let us open our 
doors to the young men and teach them our great 



47 



traditions. Let us organize and work. Let us move 
aggressively forward, shoulder to shoulder, with no 
shadow of turning, either to the right or left. Let us 
act in the future as in the past, and as we thus shall 
deserve victory, so shall we surely attain to it. 
(Cheer* and applause.) 

President Foster — We started with New York and 
we will close with New York. " Our Legislators," 
to which General Husted will respond. (Applause.) 

Response of Hon. James W. Hasted. 

Mr. Chairman — It is too late to make a speech. 
(Cries <>/ "Go on;" "Give us a sermon.") Well, 
perhaps you won't think it is a sermon if I give it to 
you. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Club, I 
rise to tender my acknowledgements for your very 
kind invitation, and at the same lime to express a 
sincere regret that I have never been able to accept 
several cordial requests that you have tendered me to 
attend your regular meetings. I feel a personal in- 
terest in this Club, for I believe I am its legislative 
godfather. (A voice: "That's so.") This Club is 
a good institution, for, from the high position you 
have taken, your efforts, if continued and faithfully 
carried out, will lead to an exalted political 
standard, to a purifying of political methods and to 
elevating, instructing and inculcating in the masses 
sound political doctrine on all the great questions 
that affect our welfare. (Applause.) 

You ask me to respond to the toast " Our Legis- 
lators." If you had said our lawmakers, I could 
have made a general response. Now, there are law- 
makers and there are legislators. The number of the 
latter is legion — the number of the former you can 
count on your ringers. You ask me why that is so. 
Well, I will tell you. We have here a system of 
rotation which results in bringing all sorts of men 
into the Legislature. I care not how educated and 
eminent a man may be, there is no qualification, 
social, political or spiritual, which will make up for 
the lack of experience and the lack of brains. If you 
want good legislators you must elect them to office 
and keep them there. Let me give you an illustra- 
tion of this, which occurred not a hundred miles from 
New York, and the gentleman to whom I refer was a 
college mate of our distinguished friend Depew 



48 



twenty-five years ago. He was a good, sensible man, 
and highly esteemed by his neighbors. He was sent 
to the Legislature. In the course of time he arose in 
That body and presented a bill — his only bill— and it 
related to an elephant. In those days our friend 
Barnum used to travel up and down the Boston road 
with his show, before they had railroad transporta- 
tion for circuses. He had an elephant known as 
Columbus, and he got loose one day in the town of 
Rye and frightened a horse and upset the wagon, 
and injured the occupants. So this representative 
••ame to Albany very indignant, and presented a 
bill entitled "A bill to give notice of the approach 
of the elephant.'' All winter he labored for the 
success of that bill. Finally his bill was sent to 
the order of third reading. He was rather a 
phlegmatic man, and not being interested in any 
other legislation, he used to sleep away the greater 
portion of his time. Well, when the bill was re- 
ported for final passage a member jumped up and 
moved To recommit it with instructions to strike out 
the enacting clause. Another member sitting beside 
the sleeping statesman nudged him and said : "They 
are going to recommit your bill and strike out the 
enacting clause." "Well," he lazily responded, "I 
don't care what they do if they will only pass the 
bill." {Great laughter and applause.) 

As things are now, men are elected who have no 
qualifications whatever for the position. I will close by 
giving you another illustration. In a county in the 
northern part of this State one of the Assemblymen 
was an uneducated lumberman, who couldn't even 
read, and the other was an ex-Judge. The lumber- 
man had noticed how the Judge was frequently put 
in the chair when the House went into committee of 
the whole, and so he asked the Judge to tell the 
Speaker to put him there when the next opportunity 
occurred. "But you can't read the bills," said tin.' 
Judge. "Oh. we can tix that. Now, here is a short 
one. You just read that to me, and I will commit it 
to memory." Well, the Judge did so. It was a bill 
to change the name of John Johnson to John Jones. 
and the next day he got in the chair, and the Judge 
sent the bill up, and the lumberman read it all right. 
Then the Judge offered an amendment and sent two 
long pages up to the desk, and asked that it be read. 



49 



The Chairman paid no attention. Finally the Judge 
said, "Mr. Chairman, I demand that my amendment 
be read." Whereupon the Chairman replied, "The 
Chair rules this amendment out of order. It is too 
long- for the bill." {Laughter and applause.) 

President Foster : Gentlemen, we are through with 
the toasts and will now adjourn. 

4 



LETTERS OF REGRET. 



Chicago, Jan. 24. 1887. 
James P. Foster, Esq. 

My Dnir Sir : It is seldom that I get an invitation 
which appeals to me so strongly as the one you have 
been kind enough to send me. If I were within a 
reasonable distance from New York, or had an expec- 
tation of being so at the time, I would take great 
pleasure in signifying in person my gratification at 
the selection of the date for your Annual Dinner which 
you have made, but my professional engagements are 
such that my promise to lie with you, if made, would 
almost certainly have to be broken, for it would mean 
an absence of nearly a week at a time when, for 
special reasons, I am unable to keep up with my 
work. 

Under these circumstances I am compelled, with 
much regret, to refrain from accepting your kind 
invitation, but I beg you to believe that if I could I 
would gladly be present. 

Very sincerely yours, 

Robert T. Lincoln. 



Fremont, 0., Feb. 7, 1887. 

Mr. James S. Leiimaier. 

My Dear Sir : I regret that circumstances prevent 
my acceptance of the invitation contained in your 
valued favor of the 1st inst. 

Sincerely, 

R. B. Hayes. 



Bangor, Me., Feb. 7, 1887. 
James S. Leiimaier, Esq. 

Dear sir.- I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your note of the 2d inst. inclosing an invi- 



52 



I ition to attend the First Annual Dinner, to be given 
February 12th, the anniversary of Lincoln's birthday, 
at Delmonico's. 

I regret exceedingly my inability to be present on 
that occasion. I would be glad to testify by my pres- 
ence my high appreciation of Mr. Lincoln and pay 
homage to his memory and worth, but my engage- 
ments are such that I cannot do so. 

Your club lias well and wisely acted in making this 
the commencement of an annual observance of Mr. 
Lincoln's birthday. The day should lie made national, 
like the birthday of Washington. Let each be ap- 
propriately observed as one of the best things to 
inculcate upon those who in the ages shall come after 
us. It is patriotic, and it serves to promote a love of 
c mntry and keep alive and fresh a memory of patri- 
otic men. 

In haste, yours truly. 

Haxxibal Hamlix. 



Augusta, Me.. Feb. 11. 1887. 

Andrew B. Humphrey, Esq., Corresponding Secre- 
tary. Republican Club of New York. 

Dear Sir: It is with sincere regret that I find my- 
self nnable to be present at your banquet to-morrow 
evening. I have postponed replying, in the hope 
thai at the last moment I might find myself able to 
join you. But I must forego the pleasure, as impera- 
tive engagements detain me here. 

It is an auspicious anniversary which you have 
selected for the formal inauguration of your Club. It 
has always been found difficult to secure the annual 
celebration of a birthday — however eminent the 
career or however illustrious the character of the 
man in whose honor it is designed. I think the fame 
of Mr. Lincoln will bring to his name the exceptional 
honor, and that, like Washington, the grandeur of 
his achievements will increase and not diminish as 
years go by. The- fame of each rests, not even so 
much on what he did for his own generation as for 
all the future of our common country. Great as has 
been the work of others who have sat in the Execu- 
tive Chair, the highest glory, the fame imperishable, 
belong to the names of Washington and Lincoln. 



53 



Your Club meets to do honor to Mr. Lincoln as a 
Republican. It was the Republican party thai gave 
Mr. Lincoln to the nation and sustained him step by 
step throughout his extraordinary career. A celebra- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln's name is a celebration of the 
Republican party. To that party he was sincerely 
attached, to its principles he was entirely devoted, in 
its success he found the victorious issue of every 
gre it policy of which he was himself the personal 
exponent. 

The Republican party makes no attempt to narrow 
the possession of a fame that is recognized on all con- 
tinents, that will last through all centuries, that be- 
longs to humanity; but the political organization 
which supported Mr. Lincoln has the right to claim 
the prestige of his name, as it continues to labor in 
the great held where lie wrought, until all the har- 
vests of his planting shall be gathered- and garnered. 
Very sincerely yours, 

James GL Blaine. 



Washington, Feb. 5. 1887. 

James P. Foster and others, Committee. 

Gentlemen: Accept my cordial thanks for your 
invitation to attend the First Annual Dinner of the 
Republican Club of the City of New York, to be 
uiven on Feb. 12, 1S87, the anniversary of Lincoln's 
birthday. 

I deeply regret that my engagements prevent my 
being present, otherwise I would certainly avail my- 
self of your hospitality on an occasion which will call 
up memories at once so sad and so triumphant. 

I congratulate you that for the party love-feast 
you propose to institute you have chosen a day and 
invoked a name which symbolize the perfect harmony 
of party aspiration with patriotic achievement. 
Working in Lincoln's spirit and faith, it may be your 
privilege, as it was his. to help Republican Clubs grow 
into national majorities, and transmute Republican 
doctrines into beneficent and perpetual reforms in 
National politics. 

Yours truly, 

JXO. G. NlCOLAY. 



54 

Senate Chamber, 
Washington, Feb. 9, 1887. 

James P. E t ostek, Esq., President, etc. 

My I>( irr Sir :' Your note of the 7tli inst. remind- 
ing me of your invitation to attend Hie banquet of 
the Republican Club of New York on the 12th inst. 

is received. 

I feel that, in view of the pressing business of the 
Senate and my special duty, that I ought not to lie 
absent from here. I sincerely regret this, for I would 
like in person to make an earnest appeal to the Re- 
publicans of New York to forget the divisions of the 
past and unite with their brethren North and South 
in developing a line of public policy in the future as 
beneficial to our country as the great achievements 
of our party in the past thirty years. We were 
united ami successful in the struggle against slavery, 
and have lived to see our success a matter of sincere 
congratulation to both masters and slaves. With 
unwavering confidence the Republican party con- 
ducts! a, war of great sacrifice and victories to pre- 
serve the Union, and with such success that our 
country is now greater and stronger and more united 
than any country in the world. Under Repub- 
lican Administrations the credit of our country has 
risen to the highest grade among nations, our cur- 
rency has been advanced and is maintained at the 
gold standard, and, by the protective policy of the 
Republican party, our industries have been devel- 
oped and enormously increased, so that in agricul- 
ture and manufacture we take a. leading place among 
the nations, and, if need be, can be independent of 
others. Our internal commerce has been so developed 
by a multitude of railroads and improvements of our 
natural highways that, with the aid of the telegraph 
and telephone, our people are more closely knit to 
each other in the live and mpid exchange of commodi- 
ties than the same number of persons are on the face 
of the globe. All this prosperity, so far as it depends 
upon human laws, is the work of the Republican party. 
We are not in power to-day because we were not united. 
It is the division of Republicans in New York that 
has made it possible for the Democratic party now to 
hold the great office successively filled by Lincoln, 
Grant, Hayes, Garfield and Arthur. This is. per- 



00 



haps, the natural and almost inevitable result of long- 
success, of power, in a great party. 

We have tried a change, and what has been the 
result ? A discordant party unable to agree, upon a 
line of foreign or domestic policy, divided upon the 
tariff, hopelessly at sea on all financial questions, 
obsequious in its foreign relations, distinguished only 
for the marked prominence it has given to Confeder- 
ate soldiers in foreign courts ; and now, with its term 
of office half spent, a House of Representatives. 
Democratic by a large majority, is unable to formu- 
late a single measure of political importance ujDon 
which it can agree with the Democratic President. 
His notions about civil service, however sincere, are 
feebly formulated and observed, and are jeered at 
and derided by his party associates; not one of his 
recommendations supported. He seems to have aban- 
doned the great American policy known as the Mon- 
roe doctrine, and discourages or opposes the efforts 
made by President Arthur to improve and extend our 
commercial relations with neighboring American Re- 
publics. 

Surely the time has arrived when the Republican 
party should assume again its great mission. The 
time is opportune. Under the operation of laws 
placed upon the statute book by Republican Admin- 
istrations taxes are so levied as to produce over- 
flowing revenue without a serious burden upon the 
people. We are at liberty to choose between reducing 
our revenue or expending our surplus in great and 
beneficient objects of natural desire. AVe can com- 
bine the two lines of pul >lic policy . W e could readily 
reduce the tax on sugar, while giving encouragement 
to domestic production in the form of bounty. We 
could repeal or reduce all taxes that do not tend to 
encourage and protect domestic production. We 
could commence and establish a system of coast de- 
fences that will guard the great arteries of our com- 
merce. We could place our navy again in a condition 
to be respected and renew our participation in foreign 
commerce. We could authorize our citizens to build 
new routes of communication across the continent 
and protect them in their rights. We could, with our 
added strength and wealth, give assistance and en- 
couragement to all the American Republics founded 
upon our example. We could make suitable com- 



56 



mercial arrangements with our neighbor, the Dominion 
of Canada, and thus avoid all future controversies 
about the right of our people to fish in American 
waters, and in this way, by gradual measures, knit 
and mold the interests and desires of our neighbors 
with onr own. 

The Republican party alone holds such a concep- 
tion of the nature and character of the National 
Government, its powers and duties, as will enable it 
to provide and administer a line of policy in harmony 
with our wealth, our strength and our production. 

I have no doubt that your Club will contribute to 
the hearty union of all Republicans, and I trust you 
will extend its organization or similar organizations. 
st> as to embrace within them every Republican of the 
City of New York. 

I am, with great respect. 

Very truly yours. 

John Sherman. 



Sen-ate Chamber, 
AVashington, Feb. 11. 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Es-p, 132 Nassau Street, New 
York City. 

My Bear Sir: lam in receipt of your most cor- 
dial invitation to attend the dinner of the Republican 
Club of New York City on Saturday evening, the 
L2th. 

I regret that I cannot accept. Many matters of great 
importance to New York demand my attention here 
t !iis week. You say the dinner is given to celebrate 
the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. It is certainly 
most appropriate that a Republican Club should thus 
commemorate the birthday of our first Republican 
President. Let us cherish the hope that all Repub- 
licans will emulate the virtues of Lincoln, who devoted 
all his energy and ability to the service of his party 
and his country. 

Thanking you ami all the members of the Repub- 
lican Club for their kind invitation, I beg to remain 

Yours truly, 

Warner Miller. 



57 



Washington, Feb. 11, 1887. 

James P. Foster, Esq., and others, Committee. 

Gentlemen: I regret very much that I am pre- 
vented from coming to the Annual Dinner of the 
Republican Club to-morrow, which I had confidently 
expected to do up to the last moment. A measure 
which I wished to take a principal part in was ex- 
pected to be concluded to-day, but was extended in 
debate, so that it will keep me in the Senate to- 
morrow, a day which is generally free till the latter 
part of the session, which we have now reached. 
This unexpected interruption of my purpose to share 
in your festivity to-morrow gives me much chagrin, 
but 1 must submit to it. 

Wishing you every degree of prosperity in your 
celebration to-morrow and in the valuable labors of the 
Club, I am, gentlemen. 

Yours very truly. 

W. M. Evaets. 



Army Building, 
New York, Jan. 28, 1887. 

James P. Foster, Esq., President Republican Club. 
New York. 

Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge receipt of your 
invitation of the 27th inst., asking me to be present 
on the occasion of the Fu-st Annual Dinner of your 
Club. 

While it would give me great pleasure to meet the 
eminent gentlemen named, I regret that I shall not be 
able to do so, as I am resolved to keep out of politics, 
even in appearance. 

With many thanks for the courtesy, I am, with 
great respect, 

Yours very truly, 

AY. T. Sherman. 



Headquarters Army of the United States, 
Washington, D. C, Jan. 31, 1887. 

Mr. James S. Leiimaier, New York City. 

Dear Sir: I sincerely regret I shall not be able to 
leave AYashington on the date fixed for the First 



58 

Annual Dinner of the Republican Club, February 
12th, to commemorate the anniversary of Mr. Lin- 
coln's birthday, and am therefore forced to decline 
your kind invitation to be present on that occasion to 
assist in doing honor to the memory of that great 
statesman. 

Yours very truly, 

P. H. Sheridan. 

Lieutenant-General. 



Cornell University, 
Ithaca. N. Y„ Feb. 10, 1887. 

To the Republican- Club of the City of New 
York. 

Gentlemen : Greatly to my regret T am unable to 
be with you as you celebrate the birthday of Abra- 
ham Lincoln. It is an anniversary which may well 
be honored by all men; but it is especially fitted to 
stimulate the best thoughts and noblest purposes of 
those who adhere to the ideas which he did so much 
to establish and the principles for which he gave his 
life. 

I trust that a voice may go forth from your meeting 
that shall aid in reviving the best traditions of the Re- 
publican party. Your orators may fitly dwell upon 
its glorious past. They may well recall its founders, 
who, in perhaps the greatest emergency that ever 
arose in a free nation, deliberately chose the right, 
kept faith in it through disaster, and brought it 
through fearful struggles to triumph. Justly, too, 
may you glory in the fact that our party took the 
lead in crushing disunion and in destroying slavery ; 
that it demanded redress from the greatest foreign 
rival of the nation, and obtained it without wan that 
it created a system of finance which restored national 
prosperity; that it resisted all theories injurious to 
the public credit, no matter how seductive, and that 
it has steadily fostered the great industries necessary 
To make the country independent. 

But no party can rest merely upon its past. It 
must prove Itself able to grapple boldly and effec- 
tively with the present. What are the questions that 
now confront us I They are many — some clearly 



59 



open to solution, some only just appealing; but it 
is useless to deny that among the foremost of these 
to-day is the need of thorough reform in national. 
State and municipal affairs. 

The so-called Democratic party, during its old 
domination over the country, established the supre- 
macy of two monstrous evils, each of which was 
opposed to the fundamental principles of Republican 
government. The first of these was human slavery ; 
the second was the "Spoils System."' 

On the first of these the Republican party took 
issue, and in spite of fearful odds aroused the national 
conscience, educated the national thought, and swept 
away slavery for ever. The second of these evils 
remains. The party opposed to us, no matter what 
its pretensions may be, is as hopelessly wedded to the 
curse as it was wedded to slavery. Even when, occa- 
sionally, one of its leaders sees the necessity of 
ending this evil, and tries to induce his party to 
oppose it, the spurious Democracy clings to its idol 
and instinctively rebels. What its feeling on this 
question is it has constantly shown in its conventions, 
caucuses, State Legislatures and newspapers, when- 
ever it has been allowed to speak its mind. 

The reform, if carried out at all, must be carried out 
by the Republican party. We are fortunate in 
having so real and living a question — a question so 
easily understood, and so sure, when understood, to 
arouse devotion and enthusiasm. The Republican 
party has no need of patronage ; its greatest successes 
were gained when President, Congress, custom-houses, 
post-offices, a controlling geographical section, and 
the supp >sed material interests of the country were 
opposed to it. 

Yet it succeeded, and began twenty years of power 
by devotion to a single living purpose. It can suc- 
ceed again and take a new and longer lease of life on 
the same terms. What are these terms '. Simply, 
in addition to its care for the material interests of the 
c tuntry, devotion to a single great principle that will 
stimulate the conscience and elicit the enthusiasm of 
right-thinking men throughout the nation — North 
and South — the principle of destruction to the spoils 
system, which was the best-!>eloved offspring of the 
spurious Democracy in its palmy days, and on which 
it still lavishes its most touching affectjpu. 



GO 



How ean*tlie Republican party best be brought to 

see and do its duty in this matter? Some of our old 
friends have answered this question by leaving the 
party for a time, in order to teach it the sweel uses 
of adversity. My own belief is that such a course 
hinders rather than helps the triumph of reform. I 
hold that the true policy of all men who wish the 
party to move forward is to work within it, strength- 
ening every leader who rises to a true conception on 
the issues before us, opposing every leader who does 
not, and seeing that the true doctrines of national. 
State and municipal reform are thoroughly preached 
in it and honestly carried out by it. 

This work cannot be done by men standing outside 
the party ; it must be done by men active within it. 
To the younger Republicans, whom you represent, 
this work is especially committed. It is worthy of 
all your efforts. It presents the best field for your 
ambition. The men who to-day shall lead the Re- 
publican parly in successful warfare against .the 
spoils system and for any other needed reforms may 
be laughed at or sneered at for a time, but they shall 
finally be counted worthy successors of those who 
bore the Republican standard against human slavery, 
of Lincoln, Sumner, Seward, Grant and Garfield. 

With renewed thanks for your kind invitation, I 

remain, 

A'ery sincerely yours, 

Anukew D. White. 



House of Representatives. U. S., 
Washington, D. C, Feb. 8, 1887. 

James P. Foster, Esq. 

J/// Dear Sir: I regret that my engagements here 
prevent my accepting your kind invitation to the 
Republican Club dinner in New York on the 12th 
inst. I am heartily in sympathy with the movement 
of the Young Republicans, which it is intended to 
promote. With a good record in the past, with right 
purposes for the future, with candidates and plat- 
forms abreast with its own prestige, and with the 
support of young men. such as your Club, the Repub- 
lican party will win because it will deserve to win. 

Truly yours, 
- John D. Long. 



61 

House of Representatives, U. &., 

Washington, D. ('., Jan. 21, 1887. 

James P. Foster, Esq. 

D( ar Sir : I have every sympathy with your object, 
and would like much to come on. but I cannot; my 
health is not robust, and 1 am obliged to husband all 
I have of it to do my duties here. 

Yours truly, 
William Walter Phelps. 



Pittsburgh, Feb. 7, 1887. 

Jame3 P. Foster, James S. Lehmaier, Lucius C. 
Ashley, Alexander Caldwell, Walter B. 
Tufts. Committee. 

Gentlemen: I am obliged for and regret exceed- 
ingly that I cannot accept your very kind invitation 
to the First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of 
the City of New York. The associating of your 
annual meeting with the anniversary of the birthday 
of the great and good Lincoln is most appropriate. 
and will render the occasion peculiarly auspicious. 

Indulging the hope that I could so arrange my 
affairs as to enable me to be present, I have delayed 
this response, for which I beg to be excused. 

Very truly yours, 

B. F. Jones. 



United States District Court. 

New York, Feb. 11, 1887. 

James P. Foster, Esq., President Republican Club. 

Bear Sir: Through an inadvertence, which I beg 
you to excuse, your invitation to attend the dinner 
of the Republican Club has remained unacknowledged 
till now. It is with no slight sense of personal dis- 
appointment that I feel constrained to send my 
regrets, for it would be a great pleasure to meet with 
the Club and with the many distinguished Repub- 
licans mentioned in your courteous note. No one 
sympathizes more deeply than I do with the objects 
of the Club, or has a more profound conviction of the 



62 



utter incapacity of the Democratic party either to 
devise and enact such wise and necessary legislative 
measures as the country needs, or to administer the 
Government honestly, efficiently and honorably. All 
efforts of their best men to that end, from the Presi- 
dent downwards, are usually thwarted by the insu- 
perable opposition of the great mass of Tie- party. It 
is, as I firmly believe, to the Republican party only 
That the country can look for any wise and efficient 
government. 

Sincerely yours, 

Addison Brown. 



Albany, Feb. 9, 1887. 

James S. Leiimaier, Esq., of Committee of Repub- 
lican Club of New York City. 

Dear Sir: I have been favored by the r* ipt from 

your committee of a kind invitation to attend the 
First Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New 
York on the evening of the 12th. 

I have delayed in responding through the expecta- 
tion that I might have the pleasure of meeting the 
members of the Club on the occasion, but I now find 
that it will be impossible forme to have that gratifica- 
tion, and therefore wish you To present to your com- 
mittee my regrel that circumstances, which I am 
unable to surmount, will prevent my attendance. 

Very truly yours, 

Hamilton Harris. 



Executive Department, 

Augusta, Me.. Feb. 8. 18S7. 

James S. Leiimaier, Esq., New York City. 

Dear Sir: I beg you To presenT my Thanks to the 
Republican Club of New York for their invitation. so 
courteously conunuuicaled by yourself, to meet with 
them on The anniversary of Abraham Lincoln's birth. 

Official duties will detain me here and deprive me 
of The great pleasure of being with you on so interest- 
ing an occasion. I am sure that The whole country 
will rejoice utat The national metropolis is inaugurat- 



63 



ing what I trust will prove an annual celebration of 
tin- fame of the great patriot to whom the friends of 
liberty throughout the world owe so much. 

With considerations of the highest regard, I have 
the honor to be, 

Very respectfully yours, 

Joseph R. Bodwell, 

Gon rnor. 



Lincoln, Neb., Feb. 1, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaieb, Esq. 

Dear Sir : I have your favor of the 21st ult. invit- 
ing me to be present at the First Annual Dinner of 
the Republican Club of your city, to be held at Del- 
monico's on the evening of the 12th inst., it beinir 
the anniversary of Lincoln's birthday. 

Please accept for yourself and your associates my 
most grateful thanks for your kind remembrance of 
me and for this cordial invitation. Nothing but 
pressing duties here, which I cannot avoid, compel 
me to decline. The Legislature is in session, and will 
be on the 12th, when its session will be near its close. 

I should be extremely happy to join with you in 
rendering homage to the name and the memory of 
the illustrious Lincoln. 

I am, with great respect, 

Very truly yours, 

John M. Thayer, 

Governor of Nebraska. 



Executive Department. 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 

Office of the Govebnob, 

Haiuusburg, Feb. 10, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaiee, Esq., New York City. 

My /><"/• sir: Your letter of the 7th inst. has 
been received. I regret to say it will lie impossible 
for me to join you at the dinner of the Republican 
Club to be held on next Saturday evening. 

My engagements here are such that I will not lie 
able to leave home at that time. My regret is based 



64 



not only upon my inability to respond to tlie cour- 
teous invitation extended in behalf of your club to 
do honor to the memory of a man whom I esteem 
more highly than any other who has ever figured in 
the history of our country, but also because I will be 
deprived of the pleasure of meeting so many of our 
representative men from the different Stales who are 
to be your guests on the occasion referred to. With 
thanks and sincere regrets, I am, 

Very cordially yours, 

James A. Beaver. 



Executive Office, 
Des Moines, Ia., Feb. 9, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York City. 

Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your favor of the 20th ult., inviting me to 
attend the First Annual Dinner of the Republican 
Club of your city, to be held at Delmonico's on the 
evening of the 12th inst. 

Much as I should like to meet the distinguished 
gentlemen who have assured you of their presence, I 
fear that I shall have to forego the pleasure, as my 
official duties will not be likely to permit me to leave 
my post at the present time. 

The intention of your club is praiseworthy. The 
anniversary of Abraham Lincoln's birth is a most 
fitting occasion to bring together the foremost leaders 
of his political disciples, and the direct and remote 
influence exerted by such a gathering cannot well be 
over-estimated. 

Thanking you for your cordial invitation, I am, 

clear Sir, 

Yours truly, 

Wm. Larrabee. 



Executive Chamber, 
Madison, Wis., Feb. 7, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York. 

Dear Si?' : I am in receipt of your letter of January 
20th, enclosing invitation of Republican Club to be 
present at its First Annual Dinner on the 12th inst., 
the anniversary of the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. 



65 



Please convey to the members of The Club my high 
appreciation of the courtesy extended, and assure 
them that were it not for imperative official duties 
interposing I should take great pleasure in partici- 
pating with them in observing the anniversary of the 
great Emancipator. 

Yours very respectfully, 

.1. M. RlTSK. 



Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 
Executive Department, Boston, Feb. 7, 1887. 

JaMES S. LeHMAIER, Esq., 132 Nassau Street. N'eu 
York : 

Dear sir— I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt, by your courtesy, of an invitation to dine 
with the Republican Club at Delmonico's, in your 
city, on the evening of the 12th instant, the anniver- 
sary of Lincoln's birthday. 

It is with extreme regret that I reply that official 
duties and engagements will prevent an acceptance 
on my part. 

Hoping that this may be the first of many similar 

gatherings and that the Club may flourish and do 

much and excellent work in the advancement of* pure 

politics, 

I have the honor to lie. 

Yours very respectfully, 

Oliver Ames. 



Static of Michig w. 
Executive Office, Jan. 20, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq., New York City : 

Dear Sir — Your kind invitation under date of 
January 20th at hand, and it is with many regrets 
that I ask to be excused from attendance. Official 
business will necessitate my presence in this Stale at 
that time. Were it possible for me to accept I should 
be afforded great pleasure in so doing. 

Sincerely yours, 

C. Gr. Luck, 

Govt rnor. 

5 



66 

Executive Department, 

St. Paul, Minn., Jan. 24, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq. , New York City : 

Dear Sir — I am in receipt of your favor of the 
20th inst. inviting me to the First Annual Dinner of 
I he Republican Club of your city on February 12th, 
the anniversary of President Lincoln's birthday. 

li would afford nie more pleasure than I can express 
to lie with you on that occasion, but I shall be obliged, 
on account of public duties, to decline the invitation. 

Our Legislature is now in session, and it is impera- 
tive that I should be here. 

Wishing you the utmost success. I remain. 
Very truly yours, 

A. E. McGill. 



Executive Department, Governor's Office. 
Carson City, Xev.. Feb. 2, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq.: 

Dear Sir -Your esteemed favor of 21st ult., ex- 
tending to me a cordial invitation to attend the First 
Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New York 
on tlie 12th instant, was duly received, for which 
please accept and tender to your Club my sincere 
thanks. 

Our Legislature is now in regular session, and will 
not adjourn finally until the 3d proximo. This fact 
precludes the possibility of my acceptance and at- 
tendance at the time and place indicated, and will, 
therefore, deprive me of an unspeakable pleasure. 

The occasion will take place upon a day — the anni- 
versary of the birth of our country's savior — which 
ought ever to be sacred in the memory and observ- 
ance of every true American, and 1 am led to believe 
that none can or will more properly appreciate and 
celebrate it than members of the glorious Republican 
party, to whose cause Mr. Lincoln devoted the best 
energies of his life and fell a glory-crowned martyr. 

I deeply regret my inability to attend and to mingle 
with the illustrious personages you name, as well as 



rr, 



many others, who will grace and give zest to the 
occasion. 

Wishing your organization success and a joyous 
reunion, 

I have the honor to be, 

Your obedient servant. 

Charles < '. Stevenson - , 
Governor of N't eada. 



Manchester, X. EL, Jan. 23. 

James S. Lehmaier, Esq. : 

Dear Sir — I regret that previous engagements will 

deprive me of the pleasure of being present at the 

dinner to be given by the Republican Club of the City 

of New York, February 12th. 

Thanking you for the courtesy of the invitation. 

I am, very respectfully. 

Moody Currier. 



State of Rhode Island, Executive Depatment, 
Proyidence, Jan. 26, 1887. 

James S. Lehmaier, New York City : 

Dear Sir — I beg to acknowledge your invitation 
on behalf of your committee to attend the First 
Annual Dinner of the Republican Club of New York 
City, to take place at Delmonico's on February 12th. 
I regret extremely that my public duties are such at 
this season of the year as to prevent my acceptance 
of it. Believe me. 

Very truly yours, • 

Geo. Peabody Wetmore, 

Governor. 



. OFFICERS AND COMMITTEES 



OF THE 



REPUBLICAN CLUB 



OF THE 



CITY OF NEW YORK, 

1887. 



president. 
JAMES P. FOSTER. 



VICE-PEESIDBNTS. 

MORTIMER C. ADDOMS. WILLIAM BROOKFIELD. 
JOHN K. CTLLEY. 

RECORDING SECRETARY. 

W. M. K. OLCOTT. 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

ANDREW B. HUMPHREY. 
(157 East 113th Street) 

TREASURER. 

ALFRED B. PRICE. 



70 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

EDWARD T. BARTLETT, Chairman. 

JAMES S. LEHMA1ER. Secretary. 

(Vd'i Nassau Street.) 



Term expires January, 1888. 

EDWARD ('. RIPLEY, JOHN F. BAKER, 

M. S. ISAACS, HENRY L. SPRAGUE, 

JAMES A. BLANCHARD. 



Term expires January, 1889. 

HOWARD T. BARTLETT, EUGENE D. HAWKINS. 
L. 0. ASHLEY, JEFFERSON CLARK, 

CHARLES F. HOMER. 



'Term expires January, 1890. 

JAMES W. HAWKS. JOSEPH POOL. 

M. M. BUDLONG, A. C. CHENEY, 

HENRY GLEASON. 



lerrn expires Jan uary, 1891. 

FREDERICK G. GEDNEY, JOHN H. WOOD. 

ALEXANDER CALDWELL, JOSEPH ULLMAN. 

WILLIAM SCOTT. 



Term expires Jaimary, 1892. 

GEORGE II. ROBINSON. CEPHAS BRAINERD, 
JAMES S. LEHMAIER, THOMAS F. WENTWORTII. 
WILLIAM L. FIXDLEY. 



71 



HOUSE COMMITTEE. 

JAMES SL LEHMAIER, Chairman. 

WALTER B. TUFTS, M. L. WHITE, 

C. VOX WITZLEBEN, MONROE V, BRYANT. 



COMMITTEE OX MEMBERSHIP- 
JOHN F. BAKER, Chairman, 
GEORGE II. ROBINSON, LUCIUS 0. ASHLEY, 

EUGENE D. HAWKINS, ALEX CALDWELL. 



COMMITTEE ON LIBRARY. 

C. LL LEXICON'. ClMirman. 
MONROE B. BRYANT, JOHN Y, BAKER, 

JAMES BRISBANE, MAHLON CHANCE 

JOBS S. SMITH, DUDLEY R. BORTON, 

CEPHAS BRAINERD, Jr. HARWOOD R. POOL, 



COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. 

JOSEPH ULLMAX. Chairman. 
M. M. BUDLONG, WILLIAM L. FINDLEY. 



COMMITTEE OX NATIONAL AFFAIRS. 

JOHN A. GROW, ( liairman. 
HAL BELL, MAHLON I BANCE 

CHARLES P. SANFORD, H. I!. DE MILT. 



72 



COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNICIPAL 
AFFAIRS. 

GEORGE W. DE LANO, Chairman. 



WILLIAM LEAKY. 
CHARLES H. APPLEGATE, 
A. E. PRESSING LR. 
JOSEPH DOWD, 
HENRY G REASON', 
II. W. HAY DEN, 
CHARLES Sl'UWACOFFER, 
JOHN Sv SMITH, 
II. M. WYNKOOP, 



JOHN 0. MOTT, 
15. T. MORGAN, 
I). H. CURRIE, 
JAMES R. DOUDGE, 
HENRY C. SOMMERS, 
GEORGE B. MORRIS, 
I'. I. STUYVESANT, 
SIM SON WOLF, 
WILLIAM AN WAY, 



S. Y.. Y.. HUNTINGTON. 



COMMITTEE ON ASSOCIATE ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. 

JOSEPH POOL, Chairman. 
HENRY GLEASOV. JAMES A. BLANCHARD. 



MEMBERS. 



Addoms, Mortimer C 53 Liberty Street. 

Ashley, Lucius C 75 ( tedar Street, 

Anway, Wilmore 154 Nassau Street 

Andrews, Henry C 2 Wall Street. 

Albro, H. W 85 Mercer Street.' 

Applegate, C. H 143 Chamber Street. 

Avers, H. F 287 Broadway. 

Adams. Orson 78 Wall Street. 

A. lams. Percy D 59 Liberty Street . 

Appleby, Charles 67 Wall Street. 

Ammidown Edward H 87 Leonard Street. 

Brown, Frederick A 23 Nassau Street. 

Baker, John F 156 Broadway. 

Budlong, M. M 20 Nassau Street 

Blanchard, James A 154 Nassau Street 

Bartlett, Edward T 48 Wall Street. 

Brainerd, Cephas Ill Broadway. 

Brainerd, Cephas, Jr Ill Broadway. 

Brainerd, Ira H 133 East 18th Street 

Brookfield, William 516 Madison Ave. 

Benedict, C. M 207-209 Water Street 

Beakes, C. H. C 331 Mercer Street. 

Bates, Levi M 146 Broadway. 

Bussey, Gen. Cyrus Murray Hill HoteL 

Brown, Thomas E, Jr 92 Liberty Street. 

Bloomingdale, E. W 18 Mercer Stt t. 

Bryant. Monroe B 12 Maiden Lane; 

Bell, Hal 7 Beekman Street 

Brandreth, Bobert, Jr 57 Worth Street. 

Brooks, Clark 54 William Street 

Baldwin, William D 38 Park Row. 

Burton, Thomas J Bartholdi Hotel. 

Beebe, Albert O 10 Wall Street, 

Batcheller, George C 345 Broadway. 

Burton, J. C 46 West 15th Street. 

Beam, William H 41 Wall Street, 

Bonynge, Robert W 156 Broadway. 

Ballard. Frank H 286 Fifth Ave. 

Beakes, Albert S 307 West 44th Street 

Bissell, Joseph B 161 East 1 tth Street 

Bigelow Frank S 15 Cortlandl Street 



74 



Bel], Alfred B 109 Front Street 

Brisbane, James 59 East 64th Street 

Bliss, Cornelius X P. O. Box 3781 

Brown, Bruce (J 13 East 24th Street 

Bonfils, Carleton W 931 Broadway. 

Bostwick, 11. nil. 'l- 271 Broadway. 

Clark, Jefferson 32 Nassau Street 

Crane, Leroy B 337 Broadway. 

Caldwell, Alex 550 Broadway. 

Cheney, A. C 81 West 33rd Street 

Chapman, W. H 10 Greene Street 

Crow, M. K 365 Broadway. 

Chance, Mahlon 58 West 23d Street 

Currie, Duncan H 08 Worth Street 

Cilley, John K 76 Gold Street 

Cammeyer.A. J LSth St & 6th Ave. 

Carpenter, Benjamin J. F 93 Nassau Street 

Carmichael, Alexander, Jr 14* Wesl 43d Street 

Carpenter, Philip 38 Park Bow. 

Crumbie, Frank U 7 Nassau Street 

Coe, K. Frank 16 Burling Slip. 

Converse, Jos. S 8 Wesl 37th Street 

( llapp, Knight L 2$i> Broadway. 

(A>x. Walter 63 Liberty Street 

Cort, Nicholas 345 Water Street 

Cathcart, George R 753 Broadway. 

Crossman, Chai'les S Gl Nassau Street 

Coon, Charles E Fifth Ave. Hotel. 

Churchill, Newton si Leonard Street 

Cooper, Marvelle W 145 Broadway. 

ColwelL William H 3368 3d Ave. 

Dowd, Joseph. . . 30!i Canal Street 

Davies, Julien T 33 Nassau Street 

De Lano, George W 99 Nassau .Stiwt. 

Denison, Chaiies H 14-"; Nassau Street 

lira no. George P. . Jr 125 .Sixth Ave. 

Doudge, James R -38 AVorth Street 

Douglas, William H 25 Whitehall Street 

De Milt, lh-nry K 238 Water Street 

Dittei Irving M 96 Broadway. 

Pay. Nicholas W 56 Murray Street 

Davis, Noah 3 Wall Street 

Dowd, William 44 Wall .Street. 

Dennison, James A 33 Nassau Street 

Edmonds, Walter D 5 Bookman Street 

Elmer, K. A 160 Broadway. 



To 



t, „••„■ m r> 26 Broadway. 

Emerson, V* dliain 15 

Einstein, Edwin Buckingham Hotel. 

Brte, William M 63 Broadway. 

„„■ ,, , i v 30 West 37th Street. 

Ellis, Ralph N 

Elkins, Stephen B 1 Broadway. 

English, G geW .. r . 271 Broadway. 

Emery, Joseph 11 385 Fifth Avenue. 

Findley, William L 120 Broadway. 

Foster, James P 162 Lexington Avenue. 

„ ■ tit -iv t,. Park Avenue Hotel. 

Fanning, William, Jr ''"" 

Fanning, George W 712 Broadway. 

Francis, Clarence W 34 Pine Street. 

„ , „, ■ a 55 Liberty Street. 

Fowler, Edward a 

Farmer.W.W 63 Beekman Street, 

Fitch, Ashbel P 9SNassauS1 t. 

Finck.G ge 79 Cedar Street. 

Fairman, George 148 Fifth Ave. 

tt ,,. 92 Beekman Street. 

Gleason, Henrj 

Gedney, Fred. G 200 Wall St, t 

Gleason, Albert H 265 Broadway. 

t i > 21 Park Row. 

Grow, John A 

Gibson, KassonC 66 West 35th Street. 

Giffin,.JohnH.,Jr 150 Broadway. 

Greenwood, WiUiam 91 Wall Street. 

r. i ■ r, 354 Wes< 33d Street. 

Graham, Edwin B ° n 

r,. ,,A- Tt ... 26 East 54th Ktm-t. 
( renin, 1 rank L> 

Goodwin, Jasper T 216 Broadway. 

Grant,Fred.D 3East66thSt, t. 

Gi n. J. A < : ' :; Broadway. 

Humphrey, H.C 34Dey Street 

Herzfeldt, Joseph 132 Nassau Street. 

Hawes, James W 140 Nassau Street. 

Hawes, Gilbert R 120 Broadway. 

Homer, Charles F 44 East 49th Street. 

Hawkins, E. D Ill Broadway. 

Eayden,H.W 48 Wall Street. 

Homer, Richard F 869 Broadway. 

Hazen,G ge H 18 East 131st Street 

Ball, LouisC 66 Worth Street 

Haughton,W.A 38 West 35th Street 

Hart, GeorgeS 85 Pearl Street 

Hess, Charles A 206 Broadway. 

Henry.PhilipB «5 Worth St, f. 

Howard, Ora. P.O. Box 8197. 



Hull, Wolcott 



v 123 West 89th Street 



76 



Howe, Walter 40 Wall Street. 

Hubbard, Thomas H Ill Broadway. 

Han-is, Thomas W 7 Warren Street. 

Harris, Dwighl M 27 East 4.5th Street. 

Hegeman, William H 200 West 56th Street. 

Huntington, S. V. V 41 West 42d Street. 

Humphrey, A. B 157 East 113th Street. 

Horton, Dudley R 170 Broadway. 

Hayden, Brace 77 East 79th Street. 

Hall, Henry 154 Nassau Street. 

Hildreth, J. Homer 719 East 138th Street. 

Heyer, A. Lester Broadway & 48th St. 

Halsey, George B 7 Nassau Street. 

Hayes, Augustus A 2 Cortlandt Street. 

Harris, Edward W 448 Madison Ave. 

Hill, Edgar P 57 Broadway. 

Howell, William P 205 Front Street. 

Isaacs, Meyer S 115 Broadway. 

Isaacs, Isaac S 115 Broadway. 

Isaacs, William M 29 East 69th Street. 

Judson, E. A 18 Greene Street. 

Jacobus, I W 16 Morton Street. 

Jerome, Eugene M 5 Beekman Street. 

Johnson, Charles H 7 Beekman Street. 

Johnson, Ebenezer P 55 Liberty Street. 

Judd, David W 751 Broadway. 

Ketchum, Alexander P 4 William Street. 

Kathan, Reid A 470 Broome Street. 

Kenyon, William H 32 Park Place. 

Kuhne, Percival 53 West 46th Street. 

Kilpatrick, Edward 29 East 80th Street. 

Kuhne, Frederick 5 South William St. 

Litflefield, F. M 156 Broadway. 

Lehmaier, James S 132 Nassau Street 

Lowe, James A 210 Fulton Street. 

Lombard, Thomas R 140 Nassau Street. 

Link, David C 836 Fast 61st Street. 

Leaycraft, J. Edgar 1544 Broadway. 

Levy, Arthur S 52 Wesl 37th Street. 

Larcher, Frederick M 96 Broadway. 

Lewis, Richard J 39 Nassau Street. 

Leary, William 7 Beekman Street. 

Lawyer, Joseph A 5 Pine Street. 

Lexow, Charles K 39 Nassau Street 

Luther, John F 89 Nassau Street. 



77 



Leavitt, Frank M IT Adams St., Brooklyn. 

Leavitt, Humphrey H 280 Broadway. 

Lewis, James F 23 Park Place. 

Lippineott, Jesse H 39 Barclay Street. 

Lyon, Edward R 153 Mercer St r< » t . 

Lake, Carson Tribune Office. 

Mitchell, William, Jr 41 Wall Street. 

Morris, George B 23 Park Row. 

MeMurray, James G 410 Fourth Ave. 

Merriam, A. L 38 Cortland t Street. 

McCook, Anson G 303 Broadway. 

Mitchell, J. M 41 Wall Street, 

Mulford, W. A. F. P 10 Wall Street. 

Munro, George W 23 Vandewater St. 

Mil ler, Louis S 22 East 76th Street. 

McWilliam, John S 71 Broadway. 

McGarry, Hugh 237 Fifth Ave. 

Myers, Joseph H » 323 East 55th Street 

Morgan, Bankson T 140 Nassau Street. 

Mack, Arthur J 347 West 61st Street. 

McAlpin, E. A 146 Ave D. 

Melville, Henry 2 Wall Street. 

Myers, Andrew G 92 Beekman Street. 

McCartl iy, George D 99 Nassau street. 

Mason, Elliott 12 Warren Street. 

Mott, John 140 Nassau Street. 

Mayer, Julius M. .' 2136 7th Ave. 

Morton, Levi P 85 Filth Ave. 

McLean, Donald 1 70 Broadway. 

Moulton, Charles W 154 Nassau Street. 

Milliken, Seth M 79 Leonard Street, 

Moulton, Sherman 154 Nassau Street. 

MacNany, J. M. B 1099 Broadway. 

Newton, John M P. O. Box 105 Albany, N. Y. 

Nesbit, Dr. John H 206 West 42nd Street. 

Newwitter, M. J 513 Broadway. 

Nichols, James R 57 East 77th Street. 

North, Edward P 127 East 23rd Street. 

Olcott, W. M. K 7 Nassau St rei it, 

O'Connell, John Produce Exchange. 

Price, Alfred B 63 West 90th Street. 

Pool, Joseph 3 Broad Street. 

Pool, Harwood R Produce Exchange. 

Piatt, Frank H 35 Wall Street, 



Pressinger, Austin E 15 Courtlandt Street. 

Phelps, Civi-jv II 154 Nassau Street. 

Parke, Harry G 186 Front Street, 

Perry, .1. W 32 Nassau Street. 

Patrick, Charles H 87 Maiden lane 

Pinkerton, Dr. S. H 140 Easl 27th Street. 

Perry, Samuel S 104 East 25th. Street. 

1 'I in i nner, John F Broadway & Leonard St. 

Page, .1. Beaver 101 Fulton Sheet. 

Piatt , Thomas C 82 Broadway. 

Robinson, George H Foot West 13th Street. 

Ripley, E. C 140 Nassau Street. 

Robinson, James A 78 Leonard Street. 

Roach, Garrett 13(1.-) Filth Ave. 

Powell, ( reorge P 10 Spruce Street. 

Rogers, Amos 1 Broadway. 

Royce, F C 68 Duane Street. 

Rock, Mathias 221 Filth Ave. 

Roosa, Dr. D. B. St. John 20 East 80th Street. 

Roxbury, Charles W 93 Front Street. 

Rogers, lie I den J 310 Third Ave. 

Rogers, Charles P 248 Sixth Ave. 

Russell, John F 172 West 10th Street. 

Root, Elihu 45 William Street. 

Rogers, Noah C Ill Broadway. 

Push, Thomas J 23 William Street. 

Roome, William H 16 Broad Street. 

Roosevelt. Theodore 171 Broadway. 

Reid, Whiielaw Tribune Offk-e. 

Reynolds, John F 138 East 42d Street. 

Seott. William P. O. Box 616. 

Strauss, Oscar S 42 Warren Street. 

Smith, Samuel W 40 West 25th Street. 

Stiger, William E 115 Broadway. 

Seligman, DeWitt J 828 West 58th Street. 

St rauSS, William 261 Broadway. 

S| irague, II L 1 46 Broadway. 

Stanton, Robert L 15 Broadway. 

Sommers, Henry C 43 West 36th Street. 

So, 's, Frederick M 35 Wall Street. 

Sehwacoffer, Charles 63 Wall Street. 

Sterling, Joseph H 30 Broad Street. 

Scott, Charles R 1114 West 14th Street. 

Smedley, F. G 152 West 4Tth Street. 

Stuyvesant, Peter J 93 Nassau Street. 

Sehwan, Louis M 10 Wall Street. 



■9 



Strong, William L 77 Worth Street. 

Smith, John S 45 William Street. 

Strahan, James Lewis 154 Nassau Streel 

Sanford, Charles P 96 Broadway. 

Smith. Solon B 332 East 50th Street. 

St. John. Charles, Jr 23 Park Row. 

Sterling, Joseph H ;, ' !l Broad Street. 

Taintor, Charles N 205 West 57th Street. 

Tufts, Walter B 104 John Street. 

Taylor, W. <; Republican ( Hub. 

Tin. n, a-. Samuel 10 Wall Streel 

Terrell, Herbert L 110 Broadway. 

Trillard, E. 31 253 Fourth Ave. 

Tremain, II. E 165 Broadway. 

Trevett, W. T 71 University Place. 

Tompkins, Uriah W 301 Broadway. 

Tressider, John R 245 Broadway. 

Tu.-ker, Edwin 37 West 12th Street. 

Townley, William H 154 Nassau Street. 

Tucker, Walter C 37 West 12th Street. 

Taintor, Judah L 18 Astor Place. 

UHmaii. Joseph 145 Nassau Street. 

Underhill, Andrew 31 29 Broadway. 

Underhill, Gi orge 70 Wall Street. 

Von Witzleben, C 499 Fifth Ave. 

Van Wyck, Philip V. R 14.". Broadway. 

W I. John II 67 Liberty Stn I 

Wentworth, T. F Produce Exchange. 

Wolf, Simson 154 Nassau Street. 

Wetmore, Thedore A 40 West 35th Street. 

Weld, Dr. George W 13 West 26th Street. 

Weaver, J B 68 Leonard Street. 

White, 31 L 140 East 27th Street. 

Wright, Edward A 361 West 20th Street. 

Williams. John C Broadway & 18tb Streel 

Wooley, William E Hotel Bristol. 

Winner, Isaac C 37 South Fifth Ave. 

Wilson, Floyd B 140 Nassau Street. 

Wynkoop, Henry 31 101 West 82d St,- i 

W 1. George E Morgan Iron Works, cor. 

Ave D and 9th Street. 

Whitney, A. R 17 Broadway. 

Wagner, G. W HI Broadway. 

Wandling, .lames L 411 Broadway. 



BY-LAWS 



ARTICLE I. 

NAME. 

The name of this Club shall be "The Republican Clt/b 
of the City of New Yoke." 

ARTICLE II. 

OBJECTS. 

The objects of this Club shall be: To advocate, promote 
and maintain the principles of Republicanism as enunciated by 
the Republican Party ; to direct and interest in politics those 
who have hitherto been more or less indifferent to their polit- 
ical duties : to encourage attendance at the primary meetings, 
in order that honest and capable men may be nominated : to 
guard and defend the purity of the ballot box : to recommend 
and endorse candidates for public office : to promote the cause 
of good government in the city of New York, and to perform 
such other work as may host conserve the interests of the Re- 
publican Party. 

ARTICLE. III. 

OFFICERS. 

The officers of this Club shall he a President; three Vice- 
Presidents, designated as first, second and third: a Corre- 
sponding Secretary : a Recording Secretary, and a Treasurer, 
who shall he members ex-offii io ■>! the Executive Committee. 

ARTICLE IV. 

COMMITTEES. 

There shaU be an Executive Committee ; a House Commit- 
tee: a Committee on Finance : a Committee on Membership; 
a Committee on Library and Publication; a Committee on 
City and State Affairs, and a Committee on National Affairs; 
and such other Committees as may from time to time he 
deemed necessary. 



81 



At the regular meeting in November in eae] Chili 

shall name twenty-five members, from whom a Nomina 

( mil i: 1 1 of Nine shall be chosen by lot, who shall report at 

the regular i sting in December a list of names for the vaean- 

iii office and commit ei to be filled at i he ens nual 

election, and said list shall be posted upon the bulletin of the 
< 'luh at the I >ecember meeting 1 . 

I 

ARTICLE V. 

i:i.u Tinvs. 

The Pr sident, \ ice-Pn Rec Cor- 

responding Secretary, Treasurer, and the member i i Ex- 
imittee, Committee on Finance, on Membership, 
and. on Library and Publication, shall be elected by ball oi at 

the annual n ting; a plurality vote shall elect, i the 

of t he Presideni and Tre r. who mu i ma- 

jority of tin' votes cast. The President, Vice-Pn 

Seeretat nd Tr -er shall hold their offices for the I rm 

of one year, and until theii ,,. ,,,. 

utive Committee shall be annually elected for 
thi b 'ra o five i arc in I of those whosi tei m of 

office shall have expired. Vacancies shah be filled for 
due of the currenl term ai a regular meeting, after no 
E ich officer and ; he members of t hi hall 

luties of their re pei tive offii 
their election. 

The . ■■ ting of the I lub -lull b ■ held on the i 

he regular monthly meeting in .January in each year, 
at eight o'clock. 

ARTICLE VI. 

IM-i:i. L> Tl'lXS. 

No memh oi ie Executive Committee who has served as 

such a full term of five years, shall be eligible to re-election 
until after the expiration of one year from the end of his 
term. 

ARTI( LK VII. 

PRESIDENT AXIi VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

The President, or, in his absence, one of the \ Presi- 
dents, -hall preside at all i tings of the Club. In the ab- 

the President and all the Vice-Pn 
er shall be chosen from the membi re of the Huh. 
The Presideni -hall be ex-officio a member of all standing 
committees, and shall appoint the Committee on City ami 



82 

State Affairs and the Committee on National Affairs, and all 
other committees which the Club may from time to time 
authorize and which are nol herein provided to be chosen by 
ballol or to l"' appointed by the Executive Committee 

ARTICLE VIII. 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The Corresponding Secretary shall conducl all i In re- 

spondence of the Club, and discharge such other duties as may 
be assigned to him by the Club or the Executive Committee. 
He shall also be the keeper of the seal of the Club. 

ARTICLE IX. 

RECORDING 5El R.ETARY. 

The Rei ording Secretary shall keep the roll of the Club and 
a record of the proceedings of the club and of all matters 
of which a record shall be deemed advisable bythe Club. The 
records of the Secretary shall, at all reasonable times, be open 
to the inspection of any member of the Civil >. It shall be the 
duty of the Secretarj to notify members of their election, and 
to issue iioiicr-: I'm- all meetings of the Club. 

ARTICLE X. 

TREASURER. 

The Treasurer shall colled and, under the direction ol the 
I ative Commi burse the funds of the Club, and 

i regular accounl thereof, which shall be subjeel to the • 
examination of the Presideni and Executive Committee, and 
he shall submit a statement thereof to the Club at each monthly 
meeting, and to the Executive Committee at anytime upon 
i lie requesi of said committee. 

ARTICLE XL 

5 G< t Tl\ E COMMITT3 I 

1. The Executive Committee shall consist of twenty-five 
members, together with the President, Vice-Presidents, the 
Secretaries and Treasurer. The Committee shall have the 
control and managemeni oi tirs, funds and property of 

the Club. It maydirect the Treasurer to make disbursements 
'>! of the club. But in no case shall the said Com- 
mittee incur on behalf of the Club an] expense or obligation 
exceeding the sum then in the treasury. 

•.'. The Executive Committee shall hav< power to make By- 
Lawsfor its own government, providing for declaring vacancies 



83 



in its membership ; for reinstating persons bo i rship in 

the Club, and for other purposes noi ini on ■ with the By- 
Laws of the Club. 

ARTICLE XII. 

COMMITTEE OH MEMBERSHIP. 

1. The Committee on Membership shall consist of nine 
members. 

•J. They shall I hosen by ballot at the regular meeting 

leding th adoption of these Articles, and shall divide 

themselves into three cla : three members each, the terms 

of office of which shall be respectively •. two and three 

i- (the remainder of the presenl year, ending al them 

annual meeting, being counted as a yeai |, and thereafter the 

term of office of each class elected shall I"- three years. Mem- 

to replace those outgoing shall be elected in each year by 

the Club, by ballot, al its Annual Meeting, and vacancies in 

any class shall be filled by tl ommittee for the residue of 

the year. Five members shall constitute a quorum, and two 
negative votes shall be a rejection of a candidate. No member 
of the Executive Committee ball be a member of this com- 
mittee. The names of the committee shall remain posted in 
a conspicuous place in the i Qub room. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

EOUSE I "\l Mil I 

The House Committee shall consisl of five members' ap- 
pointed l>\ the President, whose chairman shall be a member 
of the Executive Committee, and which shall bave general 
charge and management of the Club House and its 

with ant bority to i iei uch sums u] b.e ami a ma bi 

voted therefor by the Executive Co littee, and this com- 
mittee shall render to the Executive Committee monthly ac- 
counts of the moneys received and exp aided, and till complai 
shall be addressed in writing to this committee. 

ARTICLE XIV. 

MEMBKKSHIP. 

1. The membership of the Club shall con is) of: 
First : Resident members. 

id: Nbn-residenl members. 
•.'. A candidate for admission mn iroposed by a 

hi r. who shall state in writing the nam pro- 

posed and whether be is proposed for resident or non-resident 

i i lership, his occupation, place of n 
and such candidates shall be at least twenty-one yeafs of age. 
A record of such pro] 11 be Ijepl in a book by the !!'■- 



84 



cording Secretary, and read to the Club at each meeting until 
finally acted upon by the Committee on Membership. 

Members shall be elected by ballot without debate a1 a 
regular meeting of the Club, after a favorable report by said 
committee, bixt a negative vote of one in five of the ballots 
cast shall exclude any candidate. [Che Recording Secretary 
shall send out with the notice of meeting a list of the candi- 
dates to be voted for at said meeting. The total resident 
membership of the Club shall nol exceed six hundred. 

A transcripl of the names of all persons proposed for mem- 
bership, together with the names of those members of the 
(lull proposing their names ami of the members to w hum such 
applicants refer, shall be kepi by the Corresponding Secretary 
in the Club House, and shall at all times he open to tin 1 in- 
spection of the members of the Club; and the Committee on 
Membership shall post the names of the candidates favorably 
passed upon by it on the bulletin of the Club. 

:!. Persons not residing in the City of New York, or within 
twentj miles thereof, qualified for membership in the Club, 
may In' elected non-resident members. Such no- -resident 
members shall pay one-half of the admission fee required of 
resident members ami one-half of the regular annual dues, 
and shall enjoy all the privileges id' resident members, except 
those id' voting ami holding office. 

In ease any such non-resident member shall become a resi- 
dent of the City of New York or any place within ten miles 
thereof, bis membership shall thereupon cease unless he shall 
ap|il\ for and obtain admission as a resident member of the 
Club. Upon his admission as a resident member he shall he 
required to pay only one-half of the full admission fee in 
addition to that which he shall have already paid as a non- 
resident member. 

ARTICLE XV. 

Dl ES. 

Each person elected to resident membership in the Club 
(excepi as hereinbefore provided) .-hall pay an initiation Eee 
of twenty-five dollars to the Treasurer, ami no person so 
elected shall he deemed a qualified member of the Club until 
such initiation fee has been paid by him. The annual dues to 
lie paid by each resident member shall be twenty-five dollars, 
one-half of which shall he payable to the Treasurer on the 
firsl day of January aud the other half on the first day of 
Julv. in each year, ami shad lie paid within ten days there- 
after. Each member who shall he admitted shall paj to the 
Treasurer the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents, within a 
month after he shall have been notified of his election, as dues 



85 



for the current half-year; except that members elected within 
one month ln-fore the first day of January or first day of July 
in any year shall not be required to pay dues for the current 
half-year. Any member failing to comply with the require- 
ments of this article shall be deemed to have resigned his 
membership in the Chili, and his name may he dropped from 
the mil thereof by tin- Executive Committee. No member 
who is in arrears for dues shall he entitled to vote for offii 
of the Cluh, or members of any Committee, or on. any amend- 
tn&it to the By-Laws. 

AETICLE XVI. 

ABSENTEES. 

An\ resident member who ha* paid his admission fee and 
the annual dues for one year, and who may be absent from the 
City of New York and sojourning more than one hundred 
mill- therefrom for a continuous period of a, year, shall be 
exempted from the payment of the annual dues for the period 
of his absence, it' he shall give previous written notice to the 
Treasurer of his intention so to be absent. 

ARTICLE XVII. 

FINANCE. COMMUTE] . 

The Finance Committee shall consist of live members, none 
of whom shall at the time of their election he members of the 
Executive Committee. Every vacancy occurring in the said 
committee shall he filled by the Cluh at a regular meeting 
thereof. 

Except when otherwise directed by the Executive Commit- 
tee, all hills shall he audited by the Finance Committee before 
being paid. 

The Treasurer of the Cluh shall, at (he end of each year, 
pay over to the Finance Commit lee all surplus and unappro- 
priated moneys which remain in his hands after payment in 
full of the disbursements ami expenses of such year. 

AETICLE XVIII. 

COMMITTEE ON LIBRARY ANTi PUBLICA'I 

The Committee on Library and Publication shall consist of 
nine members, and shall have charge of the Library and Read-, 
ing Room, with authority to expend such stuns of money upon 
bhe'sameasmay be voted therefor by the Executive Commits 
tee ,,r procured by voluntary subscription. 

ARTICLE XIX. 

ORDER OF BUS IN ESS. 

At all regular meetings of the Club the Order of Business 
shall he : 



86 



1. READING OF THE MINUTES. 

2. REPORT OP THE TREASURER. 

I REPORT i IF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

4. REPORT OF STANDING COMMITTEES. 

5. REPORT OF THE RECORDING SECRETARY ON NOMINATIONS. 
<j. REPORT i"F THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

7. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON MEMBERSHIP. 

S. ELECTION OP MEMBERS 

9. UNFINISHED BUSINESS. 

10. MISCELLANEOUS BUSINESS. 

This article may be suspended at any meeting of the Club 
by vote of two-thirds of the members present. 

ARTICLE XX. 

RECORDS AND 11IXUTES. . 

The Minutes and Records of the Club (excepting those of 
the Committee on Membership) shall be open at all limes to 
the inspection of the members. 

ARTICLE XXI. 

STRANGERS. 

At the request of any member, persons who are not mem- 
bers nun be excluded from the me gs of the Club. 

ARTICLE XXII. 

BALLOTING FOR MEMBERS. 

In balloting upon membership to the Club, all of the names 
to be acted on may be balloted for or againsi upon one list, 
and the cancelling of any name shall be an adverse ballot 
t hereon. 

ARTICLE XXIII. 

EXPULSIONS. 

Section 1. Any member may lie expelled from the Club 
who may be found guilty of malversation in office, or guilty of 
such conduct as may be injurious to tin' interests of the Club. 
The charges ami specifications, together with a copy thereof, 
shall be furnished to the Chairman of the Executive Com- 
mittee, who shall, within ten days thereafter, serve a copy of 
such charges and specifications upon the member accused, if 
the said Committee shall deem such charges of sufficient im- 
portance to be considered by the Club. 

Sec. 2. 'Idic accused shall thereupon furnish to the said 
Committee, within ten days thereafter, his answer to said 
charges, by delivering the same or a copy thereof to the 
Chairman or to one of said committee, and a copy thereof for 
I In' use of the accuser. 

The matter shall be brought to a hearing at tin- next meet- 
ing of said committee occurring at least ten days subsequent 
to the time when the service of such answer on the chairman 
of said committee, or on one of the committee, is required to 
be made as above provided. 



87 



Sec. '■'•■ Upon the matter being brought to a hearing, botli 
parties shall present such proof to substantiate their allega- 
tions as they may have, and may be heard in supporl thereof 
by counsel. 

Sec. 4. After such hearing, it shall be the duty of the pre- 
siding officer to put the question to vote a- to the guill of the 
member upon each of the charges preferred. He shall there- 
upon appoint two tellers to receive and courri the ballots, and 
each member voting thereon shall deposil a ballol on which 
shall be written cither the word "Yes" or the word "Xn." 
and the committee shall report the result of such vote to the 
( 'lull at its next meeting. 

Sec. 5. If the accused shall fail to answer the charges pre- 
ferred within the required time, without good and sufficient 
excuse therefor, Ik- shall be precluded, from offering am proof 
in his defence : but the accuser shall in all cases be required to 
adduce all the proof he has to substantiate the ch: - made. 

Sec. 6. Any member of the Club found guilty of any of the 
charges preferred, after a hearing as hereinbefore provided, 

may 1 xpelled from the Club by a vote of three-fourths of 

the members present and vol ij meeting thereof. 

Sec. 7. Notice of action by the Club on cl ainst an] 
member shall be given to all members by the Corresponding 
Secretary, under tin.' direction of the Execul ive < 

ARTICLE XXIV. 

MEETINGS 

The regular meetings of the Club shall beheld at the Club 
House on the third Monday of each month at eight o'clock 
I'. M. (except July and August). Special meetings may lie 
d by the President at such limes as in his opinion the in- 
terests of the Club demand, and. must be called bj :ord- 
Secretary on the written request of ten mi All 
notices of special meetings shall he mailed at least two days 
before the date of meeting, and must also state the object of 
the meeting. 

Thirty members shall constitute' a quorum. 

ARTICLE XXV. 

BEMOV.iL FBOM OFFH I 

Any officer or member of a committei of the Club who 
induct or i e perfor- 

mance of his duties may bi I from office by a course of 

proceeding in all n i imilar to thai prescribed by the By- 
Laws for the expulsion of a member. 

At any time after the presentation of charges again 
officer or member of a committee of the Club he may be 
suspended by a two-thirds vote of the members present at any 



88 



regular or special meeting of the Club, and during such sus- 
pension the Executive Committee shall temporarily fill the 
vacancy s scurring. 

ARTICLE XXVI. 

RULES OF OKDEB. 

'Die Rules of Order which shall govern bhe proceedings of 
the Club shall be the common parliamentary law, as laid 
down in "Cushing's Manual." 

ARTICLE XXVII. 

ENDORSEMENT OF CANDIDATES. 

Xo candidate for any public office shall be endorsed by this 
Club unless the proposition for such endorsement shall have 
been offered by resolution at a meeting prior to the one at 
which action shall be taken thereon, and notice of the pro- 
I endorsement shall be given to the members by the Re- 
cording Secretary before the meeting whereat such proposition 
shall be acted on; but this article shall not apply to the can- 
didates nominated by the regular National or Stale Convention 
of the Republican Party. 

ARTICLE XXVIII. 

AMENDMENTS. 

These By-Laws maybe amended by an affirmative vote of 
two-thirds of the members present at a regular meeting, pro- 
vided that notice of such amendment shall have been given at 
a previous regular meeting: and it shall he the duty of the 
Recording Secretary to cause the same to be printed and 
distributed to the members at the same time with the notice 
of meeting, which notice shall he at least ten days before 
meeting at which it is to he acted upon. But these restric- 
tions shall not apply to the amendment of ;t proposed amend- 
ment when being acted upon by the Club. 



SCHEDULE. 

The officers of the Club and Members of the Executive 
Committee in office at the adoption of these By-Laws, shall 
serve out the remainder of the terms for which they were 
respectively elected. The terms of office of the members of 
the Committees on Finance, on Membership, on Library and 
Publication, on City and State Affairs, and on National 
Affairs, and of the House Committee, shall expire on the 
election or appointment, as the case may be, of their successors, 
as provided herein or in these By-Laws. The Committees on 
Finance and on Membership shall be elected at the next 
meeting of the Club. 



